Commentary on the one-year summation of the Austin Socialist Collective


We will build our Party, Peoples Army, and United Front

A whole year of nothing

 After our recent article analyzing the failed attempt at deplatforming right-wingers led by Austin Socialist Collective on August 18, 2018, we have decided to publish our political response to ASC’s semi-private one-year summation, which we received in March of this year; our original polemic was written in April and May. Until now this analysis has remained an internal document. We have updated it to conform to post-writing developments.

We were motivated to publically publish this document by ASC’s involvement in the counter-demonstration against the right-wing march on August 18. Not only did they not accomplish their goals, but they also failed to in any way advance the class consciousness of the people attending the counter-demonstration, in effect failing to politicize antifascism adequately.

“Towards the end of 2017 Austin Socialist Collective (ASC) found itself on the brink of dissolution. Recognizing the need for our continued work, committed members began a process of self-examination, and now self-criticism and rectification. We have written this summation in order to help identify our errors—as well as our successes—so that others may learn from them and help to build a revolution that can end capitalism in our lifetimes.” (ASC summation, 2018)

The Austin Social(fasc)ist collective has produced a document titled “ASC Summation and Self-Criticism.” Ironically this document stands as a double attack against the local Maoist-led movement in Austin: On one hand it perpetuates their lies about the movement by doubling down on their errors. On the other hand it offers a deflection in the form of admitting to the very same errors we have pointed out numerous times in person and through polemics while pretending that their “genuine” efforts provided them a new way forward.

Due to the fact that this document was produced and shared in secret, it does not actually allow for rectification or seek to make amends with revolutionaries who have long criticized many of the points they hollowly self-criticize on now. In the end, it only continues to hold tight to the errors that make them irredeemably revisionist as an organization. Now they have shifted up and are trying to poach several fronts we operate on, trying to appear militant and even dressing like us at their actions. They have deleted old articles that call us “ultra-left adventurists” for promoting armed self-defense and physical confrontation against fascism. They insult the people by assuming they have a short memory, and are now trying to promote physical confrontation and armed self-defense (albeit from a revisionist perspective). While changing an incorrect position is a good thing, it is incorrect to refuse to seek unity with the revolutionaries who have struggled against your previous positions. This only shows that they are sectarian, and unwilling to self-criticize and unite with our correct political line. Instead they traffic in hollow phrases and wish to be perceived as a militant group when they are little more than reformists with an anti-Communist agenda.


A brief note on the national question

One of our most firm positions against ASC was their constitutional reformism, which wholesale liquidated the national question and ignored the settler-colonial history of the United States. We accused them of settler-socialism:

“In a document produced by ASC about “fascism,” they continually argue for the protection and preservation of bourgeois democracy, not arguing once for proletarian revolution. This alone is a huge problem that helps to earn them the slur of social fascist. To make it more obvious to anyone paying attention, ASC continually refers to the US as ‘our country’ and its government as ‘our government.’ This wording is not accidental or circumstantial: for a self-congratulating, mostly white, all-liberal organization, the US truly is their country. It was violently colonized for them. This same political line has led them down so many reformist paths that we lose count, but one instance that stands out is their short-lived campaign of trying to ‘re-write the Texas constitution,’ as if the masses themselves who overwhelmingly do not even participate in local elections have a burning desire for a reworded Texas Constitution. We have little to no interest in the content of our enemy’s constitution in occupied Aztlan. Our interest is firmly with the oppressed nations and their right to self-determination!”


“While they do not have public articles about the topic of self-determination and consciously avoid its mention, ASC members have often on the local level outright denied the existence of internal colonies. They have denied that Black people from the US constitute an oppressed nation at all. While they make no denial that Black people are specifically oppressed, they attribute this to liberal definitions of racism that do not account for oppressed nations. Their conception of “socialism” is one that leaves the settler-colonial project intact, enforcing an unaltered US border—making them the new wardens of the prison house..” (“Opportunism vs. Maoism,” a polemic against revisionist Christopher Winston)

ASC of course have reversed their stance on this matter, but for years as we put our criticism forward (even when we enjoyed positive relations with them when they were still Socialist Alternative) they called us “sectarian” and “nationalists.” According to a more recent Facebook post from their official organ,

“As communists we oppose imperialism, racism, settler colonialism, and all forms of exploitation. We recognize the right of all nations to exercise self-determination, free from the influence or control of more powerful countries. But this raises a serious question: if we liberate the nations trapped under the US political and economic systems, if we cut off the source of its wealth and power by ending imperialism, if we undo its key principle of social organization in racism, if we make amends for the crimes of our settler past and decolonize the continent for real—returning control of these lands to the nations from which we stole them—what are we left with?”


“The full answer will only come by completing those tasks, but one thing is clear: we won’t have the United States any more. We must recognize that there is no just future in which the United States continues to exist, and everything that we can do to hasten the day when it disappears from the earth once and for all is a step forward towards true freedom.” (“There will never be a socialist USA,” ASC Facebook note)

Good—they have changed their former white-supremacist position! Good—they no longer see the US as “their country.” We only wish to reiterate that our struggle against the line they once held was in the overall interests of the proletariat and the oppressed nations of the US prisonhouse of nations, and that it was not “sectarian.”


The history of ASC

We once spoke of the Austin branch of Socialist Alternative as a left pole within the countrywide organization. We sought to encourage this trend and bring people we believed were potential comrades further left. This was an error on our part that led to brief coordination with them and the forming of left-wing blocs within large demonstrations locally. But of course the severe ideological, political, and practical issues of being friendly with revisionists eventually made itself felt. At every opportunity ASC acted as opportunists, liberals, and worse.

According to their summation:

“The organization also took a great deal of interest in connecting our work to the historic roots of Texas politics, namely the Reconstruction experience. This position was elaborated in a document called “Fighting for Our Jubilee” and the ideas were presented in a public meeting two months after the Regional Conference called “Building Power for Texas Workers: Socialism for the South.” Note that the study took no account of Texas’ settler colonialist character or the legacy of Native genocide and ethnic cleansing in the state.” (ASC summation, 2018)

By “connecting our work to the historic roots of Texas politics” they mean that they created a totally reformist campaign that accomplished nothing in its attempts to oppose the Texas Constitution. They could not (and still cannot) look past bourgeois politics and grasp proletarian politics. In their summation they reluctantly admit that none of this activity considered settler-colonialism or indigenous genocide, making their historical roots those of their ancestors—settlers. This white chauvinism was a key point that we have focused on in our past polemics, because it reflects both the membership and the ideology of ASC. Their reluctant confession is unaccompanied by any attempt at rectification or true self-criticism for the political lines that gave birth to this ignorance. We expect ASC to keep ignoring our criticisms, pretending they are inaccurate or “sectarian,” only to reluctantly admit the truth later as if they just figured it out on their own—in vain and feeble attempts to save face—all while making no fundamental changes to their political line. This is the common thread throughout their whole document.

While the Maoist movement was blooming, ASC whined about the difficulty they had getting anyone to seriously study. Their leadership has failed to offer political education—this is not for nothing—it is due to their eclecticism and failure to be serious revolutionaries. They admit to that very eclecticism and opportunism when they state that “as the basic study program broke down each branch took up whatever study they wished.” After all, social democrats are known for their severe lack of discipline and lack of centralism, which breeds this eclectic approach to the study of theory.

Without having bothered to seek ideological consolidation in favor of allowing for a continued eclecticism, ASC would go on to tail everything from the SEIU to local NGO’s and bourgeois activist organizations, all while slandering Maoists as sectarian for not marching lock-step with them into the bog.

They claim one of their picket actions “occupied a store and forced a police response.” We admit that this sounds very nice coming from them. However, this event was located in the proletarian neighborhood and some of our supporters and our masses were there and testify to the fact that all ASC did was stand in the restaurant and leave the premises the minute the police arrived. This is no more an occupation than going through a drive-through and not ordering anything. No citations were given, no attempts were made to actually hold the space (a prerequisite for an action becoming an occupation)—they just went in for a few minutes and then left without incident. ASC has never in all of their existence stood up to the police or disobeyed police orders. This distortion might fool their friends on the internet, but it does not fool us or the people of the 41! ASC to this day embellishes every activity and lies to their internet and local audiences.

Ideological disparity and imbalance of power in the hands of bad leadership are things ASC admits to, yet these errors continue. They also still lack a long-term strategy: they never explicitly state whether they support the strategy of People’s War specifically or even armed struggle generally. What they have accomplished is the formation of a little tailist club that should not be seen as a collective. ASC claims they organized May Day of 2017 with “labor and left liberal organizations.” This is a nice way to state that they tried to create a pole by collaborating with local politicians, NGOs, Trotskyites, and other revisionists. This established White May Day in an effort to pull forces away from the already-established Red May Day events of previous years. At the time of this writing we have seen no evidence that White May Day managed to survive into the next year in spite of their claims that it was a success. Red May Day however continued with its fourth consecutive year.

ASC still claims that the fascists who targeted the antifascist march on May 1, 2017, “found our demonstration too large to take on.” There is evidence presented in our past polemic, “Developmental Fascism and Its Modern Twin”, that proves that the fascists had specifically set out looking to target the Maoists, and that it was never part of the plan to go harass people just hanging out on the lawn of the capitol. ASC fails to grasp their part both in seeking to create a pole on May 1 and in trying to capitalize on what they mistakenly viewed as a fascist triumph. Their opportunism intact, they will speak out of both sides of their mouths to whoever might entertain them.

Carrying on from May Day, ASC continued tailing SEIU and local city council member Greg Casar. While ASC admits to the error of tailing NGOs, yellow unions, and bourgeois city politics, this confession is hollow. It was none other than this same persistent determination to be rightists that gave birth to the sharp contradictions between them and the Maoist movement. Their rightist approach of playing nice with the city has diverted any potential for them to be something other than class enemies—class enemies who, in the name of “non-tendency” organizing, seek to force class collaboration under the guise of socialism—earning them the title of social fascists.

We could not hope for a greater testimony of ASC’s rightist approach to organizing than what comes out of their own mouths: “It soon became clear to other members that much of ASC’s work was shared by and being made redundant by DSA, and that DSA was doing it with more members and greater resources.”, proving conclusively that all their work up to this point was nothing but reformist electioneering and bourgeois politicking. Clearly a two-line struggle developed in ASC leadership as to how much to tail and whether to liquidate or maintain the lie that they are a Communist organization.

ASC claims to be to the left of DSA and to the right of Maoists. They foolishly see this centrism as the correct course when in reality the differences between them and the DSA are minute and a matter of public image and personality of leadership—in essence they are alike. They maintain the view that RGA and anyone else to their left are reckless adventurists—yet we have bloomed while they wilted, we have steadily grown and expanded our efforts with greater national unity, while they have “found [themselves] on the brink of dissolution…”

Their position is that anything that accrues political repression is adventurist. Our position remains that repression breeds resistance and that that rebellion will always be repressed by the bourgeoisie, because unlike ASC we combat the bourgeoisie and do not collaborate with them or bow down to their decrees. We resist arrest while they avoid ever doing anything that could get them arrested. They call us “ultra-leftists” while trying to become a revised version of our organization. Instead of seeking unity on agreed-upon political bases through struggle they only call us “sectarian” for criticizing them.


Never apologize for class combat! 

Eclecticism leads to lack of strategy, poor discipline, and class collaboration

While their summation was being quietly released ASC began the process of once again rebranding themselves, putting on a new coat of red paint over their hard white exterior (now politically reflected in their use of black masks during their attempts to imitate us). This should not fool anyone and should be seen as opportunistically trying to tail the work the Maoists have long been entrenched in.

It becomes clear that ASC had no idea whether they were seeking to form a party and if so what type of party they wished to form. This is a basic question that an organization should already have figured out—it is the reason for such an organization’s existence. ASC tried and failed numerous times to deter others from supporting the Maoist Party-building effort in Austin. They used red-baiting and anti-Communism in these gambits when it suited the sensibilities of the bourgeoisie who hold the other end of their leash. They claim to not have figured out whether their “party” would be local or countrywide. A basic understanding of Marxism however makes it clear that a local “party” that doesn’t exist outside of the Austin area is not a Party! They are not capable of making revolution, and making revolution has never been on ASC’s agenda.

By acknowledging this disorientated “leadership,” ASC hopes to justify what they have always been denounced for—being narrow ecomomists. Books and articles produced by Lenin on this topic over 100 years ago already cut the Mensheviks from the Bolsheviks, but ASC demand that this be reenacted in Austin, with them playing the part of Martov (prominent Menshevik leader) and his clique.

ASC complains of burnout, yet it is their ideology and politics that burn people out, exactly like those of their counterparts in conventional activist circles who have constructed nothing but a revolving door that demoralizes and or corrupts newcomers. ASC is firmly part of this tradition in Austin, and even with all their redecoration this has not changed. If ASC has genuinely self-criticized on the various points we have attacked them for, and they wish to embrace militant proletarian organizing, then they must also address their eclectic rejections of Maoism, their embrace of revisionism, and so on; and they must cease hostility and come to the table for political and ideological struggle to find common ground with Maoists if they ever hope for support or cooperation. The reality is they are a counterrevolutionary clique led by an ego-driven professional NGO con-artist who wishes to replace the Maoist movement with one that is more favorable to the bourgeoisie.


The confused and opportunist relationship between ASC and FF15

According to ASC FF15 was the only trench that they took up, and FF15 was in the exclusive control of one member and his supporters. We do not deny this, and think it comes close to honesty; however, ASC seeks to shovel all its refuse onto one of its former leaders now that he has left the group. Back when this leader was being exposed as a revisionist in part by us, ASC circled the wagons to protect him, rejecting any and all criticism. But now it is convenient for them to pass their shortcomings off on him even though the remaining leaders are also professional administers of poverty in the pocket of ruling-class NGOs. The current and former leaders are all cut from the same cloth and all developed from a long history of capitulation.

“In Texas (or any other state in the south), a minimum wage/labor campaign faces unfriendly legislatures and courts,” laments ASC. In the real world all revolutionary labor organizing—organizing that falls outside ASC’s narrow scope of reformism—faces unfriendly legislatures and courts. The legislation and judicial systems are both part of the State, and the State is a dictatorship of one class to suppress another (a fact ASC avoids in their resistance to accepting MLM). ASC is still operating under the notion of compromise instead of revolutionary principles. We Communists know that it is right to rebel. We will always face unfriendly class enemies, because the moment we extend our demands past narrow economist ones, our actions become unacceptable to the bourgeoisie. We stand firmly behind the construction of the vanguard Party; we stand for developing and leading a United Front and for the building of a Red Army to protect these accomplishments.

ASC buckles despite facing no repression, and they have never considered building a revolutionary organization. In practical terms they stand opposed to all revolutionary organizations in the area by continuing to seek to create a pole and defame us as adventurists. Adventurism (to exhaust the point) is when organizations launch premature armed struggle or engage in actions that go far ahead of the masses. This scare term is often deployed against Maoists by ASC, while the Maoist movement focuses itself on “base building” (mass work), cadre development, internationalism, and the Party-building effort. No one has yet suggested that we launch armed struggle without the existence of the Party, United Front, and Red Army. ASC sees anything at all confrontational or militant as “adventurist” because they cannot see reality past their own stubborn and persistent rightism.

When we accused ASC of having a revisionist leadership that dominated their “mass work” and led them all to tail the SEIU, we were called out-of-touch adventurists. We are still called out-of-touch adventurists even now that reality has slapped them across the face and they try to shovel their excrement onto former members. This is neither self-criticism nor rectification. Their current leading personalities are Trots and lobbyists who are not substantially different from the former leadership. If anything they have proven themselves to be even less committed to the people and revolution. The old leader has moved to the DSA, and what is left is half as competent—which is a remarkable feat in incompetency.


Lack of direct action

ASC boasts, “We have demonstrated a real ability to mobilize people to demonstrations on short notice.” To evidence this they cite a demonstration “against US imperialism” that was in fact not against imperialism but against the war on Syria. We insist that there is a major difference between an anti-imperialist protest and an anti-war protest. At this demonstration ASC invited speakers from the Trotskyite International Socialist Organization, who for years have been faithful servants of US imperialism and have gone so far as to endorse the Free Syrian Army, who are nothing short of bandits engaged in a number of anti-people activities, who have been armed by US imperialism in its efforts to further destabilize Syria in the context of an inter-imperialist proxy war. ASC saw no contradiction in “mobilizing” these people to carry out the “direct action” of walking around in the crosswalks—failing to take the street—and other behavior acceptable to the city and its ruling class. Other mobilizations occurred in instances where they tailed either Maoists or NGOs. At no point have they looked past the number of people who came out to such questions as the quality of the crowd, how the numbers and energy interact, the ability and willingness of those mobilized to engage in open class struggle, and so on. At no point have they ever produced a single independent demonstration that did not include tailing other left groups or yellow unions. Their attempted mobilizations go up in smoke.

In the midst of their distortions, they admit that they have not trained or developed women fighters. They claim that this is due to “uneven development along gender lines” that “is symptomatic of a patriarchal society.” This is a clever way of refusing to acknowledge not only their own patriarchal views but also their failure to organize confrontations. All leaders, including women leaders, are developed in class struggle, through large and small confrontations with the class enemy, confrontations that ASC systematically avoids or pushes against. With this pattern of behavior intact, ASC will never develop militants, let alone women militants, as the Austin Maoist movement has done. For an organization which genuinely embraces proletarian feminism, and women’s right to revolutionary violence, cultivating women militants and women leaders is not difficult. Women as half or more of our class are angry and ready to be organized into the revolution, it is ASC’s politics and the men at the helm of these politics which repulses the participation of women.

“Generally speaking our experience with liberal demonstrations such as One Resistance and May Day efforts we took up conflicts with the visions we hold for independent communist organizing work.” (ASC summation, 2018)

In this convoluted point, they have now finally acknowledged that these events were liberal, yet when we formed an antifascist bloc to oppose the police-collaborating J20 One Resistance march, and when we maintained independent Communist organizing on May 1, 2017, we were “isolationist,” “sectarian,” “adventurist,” and “divisive.” They hailed both of these liberal actions as great successes at the time and attacked our movement for its critical response. They are opportunists to the core.

ASC admits that their One Resistance and May Day efforts failed to maintain independent Communist organizing; again, this is one of the many issues that bring them into contradiction with the Maoist movement, one of the issues that demarcate them from actual Communists. ASC has both admitted to and denied its role in One Resistance (which collaborated and cooperated with the police, even without a permit), depending on who they think can hear them and which member is talking about it.

Worse yet, they go on to lie that, while antifascist efforts are urgent, there is a “void in leadership.” The void that they’re observing is not of leadership in antifascist struggles—struggles that more often than not lack ASC’s presence and always (until last weekend, on August 18) lack their organizing. Their absence from this trench of combat has not dampened the growing and militant antifascist activity in Austin. We have reported elsewhere a string of victories supported by news articles and police reports and the mouths of fascists themselves—all of whom have been forced to reckon with the fact that antifascism in Austin is led by Maoists. ASC keeps their head in the sand. The void that they see is simply a lack of antifascism in their liberal bourgeois activist circles.


Only Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism can be our guide


Lack of leadership, lack of discipline, and lack of democratic centralism

ASC plans to rectify their lack of Communist organizing principles with the implementation of “adopting a cadre model.” Years ago our positions paper titled “Condemned to Win” already laid out the Communist method of organizing cadres. This document was attacked by ASC of course, and its publication pushed us closer to victory while they took the road to nowhere, which they are still traveling on. There is still no clear reason given for why they exist or what they aim to accomplish—it is as if they think adopting a “cadre model” will bail them out. Cadres are developed in class struggle and steeled by ideology. A conflicted and eclectic ideology that is opportunist at its core will never develop professional revolutionaries, and it will at best only temporarily sustain the true believers left in their clique before more of them join DSA or get jaded and drop out.

When they discuss the big if—“if we grow as an organization”—their conclusion is to form a phone tree! In 2018 no genuine revolutionary cadres rely on phones. We live in the age where wiretaps have developed into wholesale NSA monitoring of cell phones. It is laughable that they could call themselves cadres and have no plan at all to try to conceal any of their organizational dealings from the State. This all goes to show the correctness of our insistence that ASC is not and has no plans of becoming an organization of revolutionary Communists.

Communists must be highly disciplined and experienced in resisting police oppression and State monitoring. It is democratic centralism that allows for professional revolutionaries to carry out organizational work. Nothing is said of any intention on the part of ASC to develop and practice democratic centralism. They will go on with their phony democracy that creates phony leaders who have not earned a post in class struggle. To adopt democratic centralism and make cadres, ASC would have to actually break with their revisionism—their whole identity—which would include breaking with their history and name. Such a break with old ideas would mean ending the project and encouraging whoever is left to rectify by joining the revolutionary struggle led by the Maoists in their city. We will not hold our breath. Nonetheless, we encourage any genuine comrades roped into ASC or affiliated projects to rebel against the revisionist and opportunist leaders and compel them to resign or seek unity with the revolutionary movement, through real self-criticism and rectification.

Their path to nowhere

ASC claim to be insufficiently resistant to liberalism, but at their core they are liberals who have turned into social fascists. They are revisionists who have sunk down to the bottom to maintain their pathetic existence, which as it stands is spit in the face of workers and genuine Communists.

If they implement their new line of developing cadres, we can expect only a smaller but more committed clique of revisionist-opportunists who will not take firm positions against the ruling class. This has already been seen in their recent activity as they try to enter trenches of combat that Maoists lead such as antifascism, anti-gentrification, and so on. These struggles have been ignored for years by the clique that makes up ASC. Where we Maoists have succeeded is precisely where they have failed. When their desperation compels them to enter our trenches all they do is cower behind the same liberals they claim to have broken with. Their big plans include more petitions and collaboration with local petty-bourgeois community “activists” who collaborate with real-estate developers. Their student work consists of passing out doughnuts and surveys to community college students. More business as usual.

ASC’s formal and conventional approach is endemic to their work—right-opportunism of the type favored by their NGO counterparts. The history of their leading members—and what they still do professionally—is work in NGOs. They cannot risk losing social cred by breaking with these types to gain independence, let alone opposing them politically within these struggles by intervening on behalf of the people. They cannot take any action which could make the petty bourgeois activist dynasties take offense, which means they cannot do much in this city.

We call on all progressive forces and individuals who want to see a better world to stop collaborating with ASC. Do not organize with them or invite them to your events. This includes cohosting events. Your support will at best only give temporary life support to a dead organization. At every turn they will seek to sap your energies and divert your struggles into dead ends. Once they have accomplished their goals they will hop on to the next trending cause and never learn from their mistakes. Until ASC attempt to really change they should be seen as poison.

We call on our supporters to stamp out revisionism, to make Austin a bastion of red militancy, and to not give an inch to these class traitors who wish to poach class struggle and traffic in the masses. We applaud members of Defend Our Hoodz for confronting the lackluster and pathetic “anti-gentrification” meetings ASC tried to puppeteer. When we are not preoccupied with confronting open fascists, our struggles against ASC will only increase until they are converted or no longer exist. We are two aspects of a contradiction which cannot indefinitely co-exist, one must overcome the other.

It would not surprise us in the slightest if ASC begin in their desperation to go so far as to call themselves Maoists, or at the very least “Marxist-Leninists,” as they have been seeking out the revisionists in the US who claim to be Maoists for some time. They will do anything they can to disguise the true nature of their organization and to convince the masses that it somehow serves them. Left unity is a drug that must be kicked; it has left the project of revolution in this country ravished, and now is the time for ideological struggle and physical combat. Now is the time to stamp out revisionism and assert the values of Communism, the left must impose itself on the right.

We are not closed to the possibility of united front work, even with those who are stained by such a disgraceful history. But we will ensure that the left line overcomes the right, and that bad leadership is faced with struggle. We insist that fascism, imperialism, and revisionism must be combated concretely, implacably, and totally. We are not sectarian; we simply keep politics in command. If ASC truly wants to divert their course and support the militant left in Austin they must make the effort. If they wish to remain on the course of escalating conflict, so be it—we are prepared for this reality and willing to go further and harder in the interests of annihilating our enemies. Even with a desire for unity we are no fools, and do not stand for class collaboration or social peace.

Our actions have proven the validity of the slogan “fewer but better.” Our actions have proven that it is the Maoists who quickly mobilize a sizable core of disciplined fighters who can confront the enemy and shut down the streets. We will not settle for staying on the sidewalk or in the crosswalks and calling it a successful tactic. We are everywhere, and ASC will be swept away with the rest of the enormous stinking trash heap of revisionism. Baptize yourselves in the struggles of the people and you will arise anew!

Oppose the revisionist Black Guards!

Do not allow revisionists to get a foothold in your neighborhood school or workplace!

Get organized and join the revolutionary movement in Austin!

Revisionism is dead—long live Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism!

-Red Guards Austin, 2018

Below are pictures of the entirety of the ASC Summation for further reference:











Oppose the Counterfeit! Antifascism Must Take On a Paramilitary Character!


Black Guards/ASC dressing up as inverted Red Guards

An analysis of the events on August 18th

The March Against Far Left Violence and its counter-demonstration organized by the weak and poorly disciplined ATX-Resistance Action stand as a prominent example of how not to organize. Our organization and its supporters (largely outnumbering them) boycotted the counter-demonstration on the basis of political principle, so it comes as no surprise to us that the numbers of the left and liberal alliance were sub-par.

Even holding our position to sit this one out as a matter of principle, we have eyes and ears everywhere so we feel it appropriate to issue the following analysis and make a  public call to get organized in a more meaningful, and effective way.

First and foremost we must recognize that not everyone in attendance of the left-liberal rally is a class enemy, anti-communist or reactionary, there were certainly good people who we would consider to the fit the category of “our friends.” To them, we maintain solidarity and make this statement with the intention of constructive critique. There were also a few from the left-liberal alliance who were arrested, we support them and will share any fund-raisers we come across no matter which org or ideology they belong to. No one should remain in jail for opposing fascism. Lastly, there were those in the March against Far Left Violence who are just misguided people that have backward views but are not fascists. In fact, most of them were not fascists. This last point offers a contradiction within the camp broadly called “our enemies”. Our position is simple, conservatives who are not fascists should immediately stop tolerating fascist’s presence, or they must be considered collaborators. Because ultimately—there were fascists in attendance and these are the main enemy.

Let’s look at the event from a military perspective. Many from the right-wing side, including the fascists, were well armed and equipped. While this makes them dangerous, their tactical strength is overshadowed by their strategic weakness. All their weapons and their fighting condition mean absolutely nothing without support from the broad masses of people. Regardless of their current lack of popularity a fascist populist movement is still a threat and backward elements of society are moved to become fascists during economic crisis. This is the main reason why we oppose fascist’s presence or any attempts on their part to organize.

The left-liberal alliance however is both tactically weak and strategically weak. Its main flaw is bad leadership, a willingness to talk things out or even debate with fascists and their collaborators. The left-liberal alliance, led by social-democrats (the social fascists who only appear left-wing, like Democratic Socialists of America and Austin Socialist Collective) as well as white hippies and many anarcho-liberals, provide the worst leadership possible. They refuse to view anything through the lens of military strategy and see antifascist actions as a social outlet, the same exact way that petty bourgeois white Americans view festival culture, they put on costumes and engage in street theater—resistance is only an act, it’s always “symbolic”, they dance around and make fools of themselves giving numerous advantages to the enemy—they view antifascism as if it were Burning Man or Bonnaroo etc.

A concrete analysis of concrete conditions in Austin must be the departure point for any action against fascists—this means evaluating the subjective forces of the antifascist side, the fascist side as well as the objective conditions of the police and the laws they intend to enforce. Neglecting this of course the left-liberals opted to take the  South Steps of the Capitol (a position they later ceded to the right with its huge PA system which was heard loudly over the “noise” demo), this guaranteed that the left-liberal alliance  on the grounds would be both unarmed and mostly unmasked, giving decisive advantage to the enemy which correctly took the position of the South Gate—where the Department of  Public Safety (Brown Shirts ) can no longer enforce the ban against weapons and masks.  Even basic items like wooden flag poles, helmets, and shields are banned on capitol grounds making South Steps the worst possible place to occupy, especially if you have no fighting capacity to hold the position and prevent the right’s speeches from taking place.

To make matters worse the left-liberal alliance lacks the discipline and organization to be early, let alone on time. The fascists and their collaborators however showed up before their scheduled event to hold the space which the left-liberals had set their event page to meet spreading confusion among their support base and putting the already low-energy section on the steps at greater risk. Being that the enemy side was made up mostly of backward masses and trump supporters and not organized fascists the risk was minimalized and no one according to our reports was injured (including the fascists present).  All in all, the day saw an unwillingness to fight from either of the main two sides.

Our principle is that when you go against a class enemy you hit him—that if you do not hit him he will not fall. The fact that no fascists were harmed in the making of this “counter-protest” only proves that the main organizers have no stomach for antifascism—for us antifascism is concrete—it does not mean simply voicing a disagreement it means stopping fascists in their tracks and hurting their efforts to the point where they stop organizing.

At the point where a handful of “antifa” showed up, there were only about 25-30 of them, no weapons for defense, no shields no sticks—these were led by Austin Socialist Collective.  An organization which in spite of all its posturing has never actually won a fight with the right, they have never even come to blows. For Maoists and our supporters, we learn by doing—in order to learn to fight you must fight. No matter how many martial arts classes are held by ASC their courage in the street is as lackluster as it ever has been. This will not be altered without action on their part, which is stifled by their conservative play-it-safe leadership.

ASC appearing in their new hammer and sickle masks (nearly identical to our own except they are black, a fitting symbol of their black reactionary line opposed to our red revolutionary line) only highlights their tailist mentality opposing their watered down “communism” to actual Communists who have been doing the work better and longer than they have. According to the brief and very distorted summation from ASC:

“Fascists thought they could have a rally in Austin today. They were wrong. Hundreds of communists, anarchists and other antifascists came to chase them out of town after drowning out their rally.

They’re right about one thing: we WILL take their ‘freedom’ to support fascism, imperialism, or capitalism in our city. And the Left in Texas WILL be energized as it continues to grow in size, discipline and confidence.”

Let’s unpack this a little bit; there were not “hundreds of communists, anarchists” this is their first distortion as the numbers of the total left-liberal alliance (mostly composed of DSA members) only numbered about 150 at its peak, if we are to be generous here.  Second distortion is that the “fascists” who were mainly just run of the mill flag wavers, were not drowned out by any noise made from the left-liberal alliance and more importantly they most certainly were not  “chased out”. Third distortion; ASC claims Austin as “their city” while they could hardly muster 30 undisciplined troops under their loose and pathetic command structure.  They attempted a march after the conclusion of the rightwing event but were unable and uninspired to take the streets and it degenerated on the sidewalk after a few moments.

ASC would rather claim an easy “victory” even if it means lying to their supporters instead of being realistic and self-critical the way Communists must be. When offering analysis it is our prerogative to divide things into two main aspects, strengths and shortcomings so that the overall work progresses in a revolutionary direction—this is beyond the scope of the fake Marxists in ASC.  Their lying and distortion only serve to make them unstable and deficient as they have been since their start by their own admission. So now after years of anti-Communism they hope to try and clone our work, devoid of ideology and create a revisionist pole in this city. This is not going to happen we will confront them the way the PCP has taught us in their confrontations against the MRTA.  They are but a hollow, blackened imitation of the red power we have been establishing in Austin and throughout the US with our comrades in other Red Guards collectives.

The ASC bloc now includes the tailist anarcho-liberals of Autonomous Student Network, since Maoists would no longer tolerate their snitch apologia they have now come under the rotten black wing of ASC.  This accumulation of flotsam and jetsam has hardly witnessed an increase in quantity and seen a decrease in quality —all of the real anarchists long since quit working with ASN viewing it as a liberal identity politics organization, which it is.

We must also mention the fact that there were a small few armed  leftists, these were mainly some open carry folks associated with the Houston Socialist Movement, this armed presence was not under the direction of any centralized leadership and arms were left to complete voluntarism, some  of the armed people in  camo with no political insignia were confused as part of the rightwing march—a failure to keep the centralized Communist organization in command of the  gun. Guns without discipline are not what we encourage when we call for the left to arm itself. Overall the event lacked decent coordination and any strategy at all; its tactics ranged from nudist voyeurism, to festival celebration of a fascist visit, to pretend -antifa pageantry.

From a total failure to recognize the contradiction between patriot-reactionary nationalists and actual neo-Nazis, the whole of the right was qualified as “Nazis” which only provides a bigger pond for the actual Nazis to swim in.  Failing to analyze the internal contradictions of the enemy group is a  major error with negative results.

In all of this the most vocal opportunists of Oh Shit What Now, failed to make any presence worth noting.

black block allows comrades to take arrest putting up no resistance.

Black Bloc  fails to intervene on behalf of their fallen comrade

DPS brown shirts managed at one point to dissect the left-liberal alliance in half using classic military techniques of divide and conquer, nothing was done to prevent their forces from being split right down the middle. The fascists moved (sometimes armed) freely through the ranks of the left-liberal alliance, who were positioned off Capitol grounds.  The only physical confrontation was with one older reactionary in which at least two people from the left were arrested after the rightwing event ended. There is no reason that a group of this size should not be flexible with high mobility, the reason it was not was because of loose mis-leadership on the ground.

So to reiterate, 1. The rightwing demonstration proceeded as planned and was heard over the “noise” created by the left-liberal alliance. 2. The rightwing demonstration was carried out to its conclusion when the rightwing decided on their own, to call it a day, with no coercion or force from the left-liberal alliance which proved utterly toothless with all bark and no bite.

So what does paramilitarized antifascism look like?

To anyone who is sick and tired of being let down, put at risk, or wasting time at these demoralizing failures there is a better and more effective way to make an impact against fascists. Many of the left-liberal groups just run candidates, tail yellow capitalist unions, and in essence preach pacifism; unity with them is not going to get you anywhere.  Real working class unity against fascism is what matters.

To begin, antifascism must be popularized among the broadest and deepest sections of our class, whom already stand far to the left of this spectacle which we have called the left-liberal alliance. Working people are not interested in performing an act in front of those whose racist ideology wants them disempowered, then dead. To make antifascism appeal to them we must stop playing into the most negative stereotypes and start proving our capacity at community self-defense and bold revolutionary actions. The left-liberal model of “antifascism” actually draws support for the enemy and alienates the masses from taking up antifascism as their own thing.

The post WWII “antifa” model has met its natural limitations, it has plateaued and stagnated. Instead of disorganized unarmed “affinity groups” which rely on nothing but a vague cultural identity for their points of unity, we encourage the formation of paramilitary organizations on two levels. The first being those who are mainly unarmed but are prepared and trained to carry out fist fighting or using blunt weapons like axe handles or flagpoles as well as shields and basic armoring. The second level is the more advanced embryo of a Red Army, which is trained militarily and operates as soldiers all the time, engaging in production and mass work among the proletariat and the oppressed nation’s people. We support the formation of street committees and rapid response networks of masses who have secure means of communication and clear leadership.

Our methods differ greatly from the liberal-left who fall short of any combat action—in one arrest affidavit from one of the antifascist actions we led last year the Department of Public Safety, while lying about who started the riot got a few things right—showing the difference between hard and soft antifascism, between antifa as a fighting unit which closes ranks on an enemy and “antifa” as a goofy performance art troop which puts on plays for fascist spectators and their collaborators.


DPS report on RGA led action

What does antifascist unity look like?

It is time for Austin to stand up, to shake off bad leadership trying to impose itself on antifascism and come together under a better model of actual resistance and not token performance. When we organize and lead actions the fascists do not march every step they take is met with physical confrontation and they are bombarded from all sides.

We are willing to work with, and accomplish temporary unity with anyone who can be united with; we simply will not liquidate our leadership behind anti-communists, Democrats or social-democrats. Antifascism is in and of itself neither Socialist nor Communist but it must not be Anti-Communist.  Communist leadership of a united front must not be liquidated.  According to Chairman Mao:

“Capitulationism must be strenuously opposed. When we make concessions, fall back, turn to the defensive or halt our advance in our relations with either allies or enemies, we should always see these actions as part of our whole revolutionary policy, as an indispensable link in the general revolutionary line, as one turn in a zigzag course. In a word, they are positive.”

That is, our collaborations with those who genuinely wish to defeat fascism must not come at the expense of our own ability to fight fascism, or our ability to grow and expand strategically.  While understanding the need for certain tactical unity against fascism we understand that antifascism is just one part of our overall revolutionary work.  We will not change our color as Communists; we will not liquidate our program or allow cessation of ideological and political struggle.  While we will unite first, we will not fail to criticize second. Those who are worthy of the sharpest criticism are the very same ones who frame any and all critique as a personal attack and cannot self-criticize.

ASC and their handful of supporters should realize once again that they are in tailing position, that their political line as it stands now lacks direction. They have no official ideology and remain an eclectic bunch of rightists. Making a play to oppose us is the errand of fools. Our movement will overcome all odds and can strike out at multiple enemies. If there is to be any coordination then it will be behind what works and not behind what doesn’t. Once again we invite any of their disheartened rank and file to leave their stifling ranks and express themselves in one of Austin’s numerous revolutionary mass organizations. ASC can alter its appearance, this will not change its essential character.  Antifascism is not monolithic, any work among the masses is contested space which revolutionary Communism must combat revisionism, politically and at times with politics by other means. We make no apology for this fact because it is a fact derived from Marxism.

On the basis of our principled united front work, fascists and their collaborators can be drowned out, run out, routed, beaten bloody, and even annihilated. These are our principles and we aim to hold them to the very finish.

Drown fascism in a sea of resistance!

Our color is red, the flag of our people is red!

Oppose the hollow imitations represented by the Black Guards!

Antifascism is a question of forming paramilitary units!

Red Guards Austin, August 2018


Remembering Revolutionary Student Front


The Revolutionary Student Front Austin (RSF) is no more. What follows is a brief summation and analysis of its strengths and weaknesses. —Red Guards Austin.


Emergence of RSF

The Revolutionary Student Front was formed in 2016 by our consciously linking up disconnected Maoist-sympathetic student supporters of the Red Guards movement via food serving programs in the popular neighborhoods. At these servings revolutionary students could interact both with the working masses as well as organized proletarian revolutionaries. It was under the guidance of cadres and advanced supporters that the students were linked up in the interest of developing a trench of combat at the universities and community colleges.

This effort was neither the creation of a party-generated organism nor an organic mass organization. It was the cultivation of a front; revolutionaries not only introduced student supporters to each other, but also began casually floating the idea of a student front, by discussing the need to organize among students and youth. It was from this long and patient work that the students took to the line and began organizing. Several names were considered, but once again the students took the direction of the cadres and settled on the name Revolutionary Student Front, which was a name originally used in Peru by the student organization aligned with the Communist Party of Peru, honoring both the tradition of those students and support for the revolutionary cause. The qualifier of “front” is quite important. Students on their own cannot lead the class struggle; they have mixed interests, and the promise of upward mobility—or the illusion of this promise to be more precise—creates mixed consciousness among students. Still, class struggle occurs on every campus in the US, and proletarian students must be organized as one front, since they are part of the proletariat. We most certainly wanted to avoid the pitfalls of other student organizations, like the Revolutionary Student Coordinating Committee, which failed due to gender discrimination and abuse. While we were greatly inspired by Progressive Youth Organization in Kansas City, we were not interested in this time in the formulation of a general youth organization. Students are not always young, and the youth are not always students. We specifically wanted to cultivate a campus front, in the interest of the working class and revolutionary movement in general, and not in the exclusive interests of students. The student struggle should have been more subordinated to the workers’ struggle, but due to a theoretical misstep (described later), this was never fully the case.

From the inception there were issues with the mentioned mixed consciousness of students. RSF was designed to be a multi-tendency mass organization initiated and led by Maoist sympathizers and supporters of the RG movement; this formula was already too eclectic. We failed to cement Maoism as the guiding light for the organization, even if all the principal leaders were students of Maoism. One founding member took the initiative to reach out for advice to an organizer in the Canadian Revolutionary Student Movement. This was done without the knowledge of our collective. While this organizer gave sound practical advice, the conditions in Canada are drastically different considering that the Austin-based organizers attended University of Texas at Austin, and US universities have a lower proletarian demographic, and are expensive and elite. Another major difference is that student organizations receive funding from Canadian universities and get full status as official campus organizations. In the US student organizations have to register and pay for recognized status, so working within the university system has limitations and restrictions if you want to become an official campus club. It was determined that RSF would be better suited as an unrecognized and illegal campus organization that would not pay the fee and would operate through faked organizations that already had status in order to acquire space and table on campus. This would soon become a problem, as the revolutionary politics were anathema to UT Austin administration, which would try and fail to prevent RSF from distributing literature and holding official events on campus, thought the administration attempted this almost consistently.

Students in the original formation had varying issues with postmodernism and a tendency to neglect actually analyzing their conditions, the latter being the root error leading to reaching out to the RSM in Ottawa, something we would have absolutely opposed. The early members, all self-identified Maoists, still had a lot of learning to do, but in spite of their limited experience their commitment to developing was truly inspiring, they would hit the ground running.


RSF and antifascism

For ages the UT at Austin campus has been a cesspool of two anti-people trends, the first being revisionism in the form of Trotskyite organizations like the ISO as well as the presence of a strong postmodern hegemony, the second being an increasing right-wing presence in the fraternities and conservative youth organizations. Until the formation of RSF there was no revolutionary left organization with the exception of the Palestine Solidarity Committee, which maintains an anti-imperialist stance and had never hesitated to support righteous struggles that go beyond their own national liberation struggle. Violent racist attacks as well as rape and sexual assault have always been an acute problem on campus and in the student neighborhood of West Campus. PSC alone was not able to fully take on the question of the growing fascist trends even though they consistently took part in antifascist struggles. The ISO on the other hand is just slightly to the left of campus democrats and is content to try to shame militant antifascists, opposing the use of masks and any form of violent action, including self-defense. Politically they are liberals and practically they are pacifists, a beyond shameful position to hold in this day and age. Unless an issue is trendy you can bet that ISO-ATX will take the fence.

In these conditions, white-supremacist graffiti had been put up on the pillars of the Blanton Museum on campus, and had then been allowed to remain up, uncovered, for 8 more months. The museum and university administration had been notified multiple times and took no action. RSF organized for a protest, and angry students were mobilized. During this mobilization, the graffiti was covered up with neutral-color paint, and a poster in the style of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution in China was put up where the graffiti used to be. The poster criticized the administration for having taken no action for so long. In the past, Black Lives Matter graffiti on a Confederate statue had been immediately removed, only highlighting the tendency of the administration to come down hard on progressive struggles while turning a blind eye on hate speech and racist graffiti. Immediately after this action several nonstudents nearby were arrested and charged with felony vandalism. Even though it was students who removed the graffiti and students who organized the action, campus pigs arrested people at random to stand as an example. RSF wasted no time in helping to mobilize support in the form of jail support, fundraising, and leading a solidarity protest that drew an even larger crowd than the original action. The defendants became known as the UT Antifa 3, and a successful campaign took place that resulted in dismissal of their cases over a year later.

This first action put RSF on the map and positioned them uniquely to swing against fascism. This was at a point in time when the fascists had set their sights on developing a strong local movement in Austin, and we are happy to report than in part due to the good work of RSF and their consistent actions over their lifespan, the fascists can scarcely show themselves in our city and never met their goal of developing a sustained movement here. Instead they still have to shuttle in reactionaries from out of town. RSF would launch counter-propaganda campaigns and campus patrols and lead the masses in several campus antifascist actions while developing a core of students who would be able to participate in the broader Austin-wide red antifascist movement.

The Revolutionary Students developed a West Campus rapid response network using the eyes and ears of the masses; they would get alerts and mobilize patrols immediately. These rapid mobilizations would often chase fascists off campus or eradicate their propaganda immediately, replacing it with antifascist and revolutionary propaganda. Some of the best work on this front was carried out during this period.

However, in spite of the solid on-the-ground antifascism, due to the eclecticism, lack of real leadership from the proletarian organization, and mixed class consciousness of the membership they began making some pretty serious errors. The first such error was participation in the “coalition” ATX Resists, which still exists in form and name, but only as a shell. This coalition was built totally on postmodernist lines after Trump won the election. It was a confused and ill-fated attempt at horizontalism—which never works. RSF and a few other local mass organizations failed to struggle against this flaw and ended up drawing a lot of bad ideas from its structure and meetings. For Communists, United Front work with class allies must never liquidate Communist leadership. Tailing in such a big-tent type organization that fully lacks leadership is always fruitless. While efforts were made to fight for the most revolutionary positions possible, the coalition was mainly right-opportunist. The name itself was extremely misleading, since the only active organizations were campus-based organizations and not citywide organizations. It was at these meetings that RSF would come to the terrible idea of running a mental health program and engage in both economism and a rightist deviation from the mass line.


Mental health and the slow poison of metaphysics

What bears some explanation is that while RSF and the Maoist movement worked closely together, students are not allowed membership in the Party Embryo. In spite of the rumor mill there was zero overlap between our organizations. RSF would rely on us (RGA) for advice, guidance, and training, on a strictly voluntary political basis. This was a huge problem for both organizations and one that robbed the students of Communist leadership. As students are inherently transient in Austin one benefit to this relationship is that students can be ready to join the Party Embryo upon graduating and have already accumulated a lot of experience and political education prior to joining. The serious downside to this that bears some self-criticism is that the Party Embryo will at times have great difficulty leading the mass organization, or in this case the front. This problem would assert itself in a very dangerous and painful way with RSF and be a big factor in its subsequent degeneration.

In a failed and ill-advised effort at emulating the mass line RSF embarked upon their “Revolutionary Mental Health Program” while we criticized this trajectory from the very start and at most conceded to the democratic decision of the front, viewing it as an experiment and a learning experience. When it became clear to the Party Embryo that the mental health program had recruited nonstudent leadership over the program, who were using new age therapy in the form of circling, cadres started offering sharpened criticism and attempted to dissuade RSF from continuing in this direction. Our intervention was not firm enough, and RSF merely conceded to getting the existing nonstudent leaders of this program by having them mentor students who could replace them. Due to this imbalance of power between mentor and student and mainly due to the bourgeois and rightist approach to mental health, this would have disastrous results. Even our most firm insistence that this be stopped was not received. We unite with the document summarizing the mental health program and will not elaborate on its content. We only wish to make it clear that our organization opposed this program and struggled with RSF leadership until the program was finally abandoned and the document of self-critical summary was released. Our position has not changed. Group discussions about feelings will at best only complement struggles against mental illness. In our analysis the program lacked a struggle component and visibly lowered the students’ ability to fight.

Orienting toward the mentally ill is already an issue in and of itself, one that was also criticized. While mental illness must be addressed by revolutionary organizations, it should not be the main activity of a student front. Our membership consistently warned against this for months and directly warned RSF about including one of their facilitators who would later be expelled for abusive behavior. Our advice took time to reach the ears of the front, and they were too slow at making changes and truly learned the hard way. The militant student leaders were finally able to win the correct position via democratic struggle internal to RSF. There was a persisting issue here of too many leaders who were too poorly equipped to lead, which led to errors of ultra-democracy and bureaucratic hesitation.

The lingering effect of the mental health program is finally just now beginning to assert itself. While in-depth analysis is premature, we can confidently state that the mental health problems of the membership of the front remained a constant impediment to organizing, exacerbated by their incorrect approach to the question. Membership would come and go, neglect work, and fall off. This is made worse by the fact that when veteran organizers graduate and move, a crisis of leadership asserts itself on the general body. Worse than any of the above-mentioned conditions are the deep-rooted postmodernist ideas so prevalent on US campuses. This almost hegemonic force would assert itself in struggles over mental health, bourgeois arguments for self-care and “taking a break” would come into play, and activists would default to using mental health as an excuse to avoiding their organizational commitments, which would negatively impact the organization as a whole. Without being insensitive to those dealing with mental illness, we must insist, from our vantage point as a proletarian organization, that students in Austin, even working-class students, have it far better than the average worker—not just in terms of financial consideration but also in terms of resources and overall social status. Many students at UT come from upper-petty-bourgeois or even bourgeois class backgrounds. This bears mention because it influences their class stand and their class consciousness: selfishness and individualism are not anomalies—and many students are lazy, spoiled, or both. There were many petty-bourgeois students in the front who strongly manifested these errors, and they would push postmodernist lines in the org. Even worse, actual revolutionary students and even a few militant ones would capitulate to this mindset, and after getting frustrated with constant struggles with postmodernists would themselves begin to manifest the postmodernists’ errors, citing mental illness as an excuse to all but cease organizing. These conditions, combined with our hesitation to put cadres in the organization who could rectify and correct it, created the perfect storm.

To the detriment of left-wing movements in the US, students are the main demographic that revisionists and liberals have drawn on to populate their organizations. The ISO is nothing but a campus organization that poaches from popular movements; they rely on a revolving door of dues-paying students who frequently come and go. This is not unique, as petty-bourgeois college kids make up the majority of the legal left, and a few of them stick around to become career NGO activists. The student-dominated left by its very nature cannot meaningfully have an impact on the proletariat as a class. It is no surprise that many students, while capable of great bravery and daring direct actions, are neither stable nor reliable in the long view of organizing the hardcore of the proletariat and reaching the deepest and most profound sections of the masses. For this reason and so many more, students absolutely require organized proletarian leadership. Student-based organizing can only ever be an auxiliary, as it can never in itself be a way to apply Lenin’s teaching to go lower and deeper among the masses. For this reason we oppose becoming a student-dominated movement. Once college is over and career opportunities come in, all that bourgeois training is activated, and they often take their places outside of, and in many cases opposed to, our class. The best student organizers, who should be upheld as good examples, are most often the ones who, due to economic crisis, are unable to put their education to use in entering a well-paying career. These students, who every year become more numerous, are justifiably angry and sick of capitalism and can make great Communists. This is our attitude toward student organizing and will continue to be the basis of our orientation when it comes to the campus trench or more broadly a student front.


Proletarian feminism in action

Some of the very best work carried out by RSF was in the context of the women’s struggle. Internally, abusers would be dealt with correctly and without gloves. This must be understood as a raising of the bar for student organizing. Student organizing is rife with date rape and macktivism (using activism to flirt, almost always with women), and sexual harassment and unwanted advances are too common. RSF was a shining example of something better, something new, and something truly proletarian feminist. While many organizations either preferred to avoid controversy or had misogynist men in top positions, RSF would earn consistent support from students due to their revolutionary stance on the women’s struggle.

The struggles against sexist abuse did not stop at the end of membership lists. The front would embark on campaigns to make abusers afraid to exist on UT campus in the face of an administration that harbors them. The most notable of these campaigns was the highly successful campaign against the now-deceased Richard Morrisett. Morrisett was widely reported in the media for having seriously abused his ex. Successful protests and creative, well-place graffiti forced the campus to reevaluate its policy of keeping on professors like Morrisett.

On International Working Women’s Day of 2018, the Littlefield Fountain on UT campus, a monument to the US imperialist involvement in WWI, was dyed red and adorned with pro-women Communist slogans. This action, inspired by RSF agitation, really shook things up. It was reported around the world and interest in struggling against abusers mounted. Morrisett himself would soon die.  While his cause of death is unpublished, it is not going out on a limb to state that this happened amid a militant campaign against him in which Communists led the way in bringing the full weight of his transgressions down upon him. His death is lighter than a feather and we shed no tears at his passing. Had he had the decency to attempt to rectify and be transformed, perhaps whatever ended him could have been avoided. Nonetheless, the campaign to get him off campus permanently, whether by the action of nature or by the activity of revolutionaries, was successful. While only time will tell what caused his death, the actual cause matters less than the campaign and the events in the lead-up to it, which in spite of anything else should be repeated and improved.


Decline and dissolution

Despite the momentum from the anti-Morrisett campaign, the organization’s leaders failed to implement proper recruitment and training.  This happened at a time when key leaders were to graduate or cease to be students. The training of leaders should always be a constant concern of any organization, and we stressed this to RSF. With summer approaching and students returning home, this training was not carried out, and the militants in the front reached a fatal impasse.

This combination of factors spelled the end of RSF. The imbalance of commitment between the casual attitude of the student rank and file and the devotion of the longtime student organizers who were soon to stop being students meant that only a very few members were suitable to step up and get elected as leaders. Unfortunately, and due to reasons still unclear to us, many of these potential leaders dropped off, citing various personal reasons, including the excuse of “taking a mental health break” (an excuse we implacably reject). Others who were committed to postmodernist ideas had already found themselves in contradiction with anything revolutionary and had been trickling out for months; these people in search of a social club to do little more than bemoan their existence sought elsewhere and rejected proletarian politics and the proletarian worldview. RSF leaders had placed all of their eggs in one basket—the idea that they would train their replacements in a summer school that was to take place throughout the summer of 2018 (when this article is being written). Without the leaders of RSF ever clearly stating a reason why not—even when asked about it directly—summer school never took place.

The remaining membership of the front took up the work of organizing student tenants who are being threatened with displacement and gentrification; they remain committed to this work. To complicate matters, student leaders who support the Party-building project failed to make honest or accurate assessments of their decline. When questioned they responded dismissively that “yes people have fallen off, but the organization is better off without their influence and will not be impeded.” This rose-colored report is reminiscent of those from the communes that would fake their statistics during the Great Leap forward in China. It amounts in this case to an unwillingness to confront their incorrect working methods and accept proletarian leadership. They did not want to struggle with their critics or their mistakes—and took the path of avoidance. As a result, reports were informal, distorted, and infrequent or absent. Those who could have helped were not really able to provide the advice the students really needed. We understand this as prideful arrogance, a petty-bourgeois trait common in students.

While there are still activists trained and developed by the high points in RSF’s struggles, the organization itself reached an all-time low, in terms of both membership and quality of work. At this point a veteran leader, who was the main force behind the goal of training the organization to sustain itself (as well as one of the people making fluffed-up reports), simply walked away from the work without comment or informing anyone and has since left the city, becoming a deserter. This was the last gasp of the organization.


Fight again

An organization such as a Party Embryo is to operate like the nerve center of the local revolutionary movement. We have a commitment to the younger generation of organizers, and failed in our commitment to RSF, which at one point was one of—if not the—largest red student fronts in the country. Our method of organizing the students had fundamental flaws in its framework; we took too long to realize the inherent errors of only offering political leadership, guidance, support, and advice. Organizational and structured leadership in an official sense would have been better.

It is in the struggles of the working class that Communists will be forged and tempered. We do not relent or give up; we just recognize our faults and the deformed and degenerated condition of one singular trench in a city where we wage class struggle on many fronts. It is our duty and intention to glean every bit of knowledge we can from this experience, both good and bad, and to provide that in synthesis to other organizers and would-be organizers. It is our duty and intention to develop Communists in the high schools, community colleges, and universities of Austin and the US. In this struggle leadership is decisive, and learning to implement democratic centralism in the mass organizations is critical. The fact that none of our cadres are students means that we had to learn by doing and admit errors to implement rectification. We know that Mao is correct in his often repeated quotation that a single spark can start a prairie fire; unfortunately, some fires go out.

RSF had in its short time turned the University of Texas at Austin into a shining trench of combat. Many brave students held their post at that front; we honor them and their commitment and look forward to their future in off-campus organizing, where they are sure to become even better revolutionaries. The closing of a front is less than a bend in the road; with faith in the masses and better Communist leadership, nothing is impossible, and we will prevail. Campus organizing is important, but it is less important than organizing the nonstudent oppressed masses. We are a relatively small organization and will continue developing new and improved trenches of combat. RSF will rise again like a phoenix from its ashes, next time stronger and better. The old is dead, long live the new. As surely as the bourgeoisie produce their own gravediggers, the class struggle on campus will produce new Communists, and we will make it so.

We take heart in the history of Peru’s University of Ayacucho de Huamanga, once a fierce trench led by the Communist Party of Peru. When conditions were right, they developed Communists and sent them among the people, and away from the university. This is now also the history of RSF, whose members now will swim like fish among the proletarian masses of Austin. We understand that holding a trench for the sake of vanity is a fool’s errand. To the former Revolutionary Student Front: Thank you for your contribution to the class struggles in Austin. Thank you for your services in the struggles against fascism. Thank you for your sacrifices and your spilled blood that has mingled with our own. Many of you have remained Communists after you stopped being students, and we welcome you as comrades! Some others have fallen away, and we remind them: luxury is fleeting while struggle is permanent; you know your post and must return to it. History demands it. No matter what you will participate in class struggle and it is crucial to be sided with the proletariat and not the class enemies.

The closing of one front among many is not a cause for mourning but a call to increase our organizing efforts, taking firmly to the task of going to the deepest and most profound masses and educating them in revolutionary violence. Our summation and self-criticism is but one more step in this march forward.


—Red Guards Austin, Summer 2018

Call for solidarity with Detained Occupy ICE activist Mapache


On the morning of 8/3/18, Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) arrested a young activist involved with the Occupy ICE encampment in San Antonio, Texas. The activist Mapache, has now been transferred to the Webb Detention Center in Laredo, Texas. Mapache at only 18 years old and a recent high school graduate has already earned a reputation as a staunch activist against deportations and is known by his comrades as a kind and dedicated person who loves his people.

The  Occupy ICE encampment in San Antonio has earned the hatred of non-state fascists and fascistic reactionary state agencies alike, having recently been attacked by fascist group Patriot Front on the 28th of last month. As critical as we may be of occupy type tactics we fully commend the dedication of these activist comrades.  While a lot more can and will be said on our points of political divergence now is the time to show our utmost support for Mapache and the others standing up to deportations in  San Antonio. This experience further indicates the need for both solidarity and preparation to defend the movement from the organized forces of reaction, be they state agencies or populist fascist terror organizations. Deportations are one of the clearest manifestations of proto-fascist policies being used against the people. We are resolute in this fight.

We wish to remind our supporters and the people in general that to be attacked by the enemy only proves that we have demarcated ourselves from them. The people see this kind of repression and it provokes in them a burning passion for liberation, everywhere there is repression there must be resistance! We work toward construction of the type of defense units that can use force to prevent these kinds of targeted arrests that have taken Mapache from the people. Mapache is now a political prisoner who has made a great sacrifice for the people and must be honored as such. He is detained in the exact system he lives to fight against.

More information is forthcoming and we will seek to share any information we come across or receive to help the activists in San Antonio boost awareness and support. We invite those involved to reach out to us directly for any support we can provide.

As Occupy ICE San Antonio has withstood increasing attack and persevered through them, those outside of San Antonio must increase the pressure against ICE in our own cities and target all parts of the mechanism of deportation with protest and resistance. This includes the fight against Southwest Key which is headquartered in Austin. Actions should be carried out in the name of Mapache!

Protest and resistance are not enough, we must steadily organize the masses in this conflict and through it develop iron revolutionary structures and military structures which can fully unleash the fury of the people while safeguarding the most vulnerable sections of our people. We fully advocate for the formation of self-defense units as the clearest way to show solidarity. These units must learn to defend our communities by any means necessary.

Solidarity to the activists in San Antonio!

Free Mapache now!

Fight ICE with fire!

-Red Guards Austin, 2018

Regarding the counter demonstration on August 18th



We wish to inform the public and especially our supporters that we are in no way endorsing or supporting the counter demonstration against the ‘March Against Far-Left Violence” taking place August 18, 2018, organized by “ATX Resistance Action”. No Communist will attend; no Partisans and no front-line defenders will be present. Our decision to abstain and discourage participation is a political decision. It is the line of opportunism that declares “friends” only on the basis of a shared enemy. We cannot encourage participation in the counter demonstration due to the politics of the people who organized it. The way we see it there are nothing but anti-Communist organizers on both sides, police collaborators, and apologists on both sides. We cannot in good faith encourage anyone to put themselves in a situation where the so–called antifascist side is led and organized people who are a liability. This bears further explanation, with two main groupings to identify:

1.) The 99% White Hippie “anarchist left”: A loose outfit of life-style anarchists and liberals are the main organizers we take issue with. In recent history they have participated in harboring fascist sympathizers and Trump supporters in local movements, as well as siding with federal informants against local Maoists. This poses a serious security risk to any antifascist who wishes to attend—the organizers of the counter demonstration are friends with people on the far-right who claim to be “libertarian” and have given traction and “emotional support” to two local informants. Out of sectarianism and their mutual anti-Communism the informants and “anarchists” stuck together until it became clear that people were being arrested on the basis of the lies the “anarchists” believed and defended, they have now backtracked on their position.

2.) The White-Hippie Pacifist “left”: these are the secondary organizers we take issue with. Through their backward adherence to “non-violence”, these people are looking to get themselves hurt for publicity and they will put you and your comrades at risk too if it helps them get attention. Their ideology places a monopoly on violence squarely in the hands of reaction—they are severe anti-Communists who use red-baiting and bad-jacketing tactics which again only help to serve the violence of the state and reaction. They are in favor of a mentally and physically disarmed “antifascism”. They are washed up from the anti-war movement and Occupy Wall Street type activism. They are dinosaurs too stupid to figure out they are extinct.

These two main groups will try and opportunistically play up the past successes of the counter-demonstration to the White Lives Matter rally of November 19, 2016, and the counter demonstration against the anti-Sharia law demonstration held on June 11, 2017. While it is true these two organizing types attended those actions, they were not leading in organizing them. Networks of revolutionaries were the driving forces behind both of those actions. The biggest difference is that these two actions were supported and endorsed by the local Maoist movement, which brought out the most militant and numerous organized fighters. It is these forces which will be taking the political position of non-endorsement.

If the organizers of this event wish to use red-baiting, anti-Communism and other tactics year round that objectively assist fascists, if they want to claim that the glorious hammer and sickle “triggers” them – then let them stand on their own against the assortment of vermin who come to our city to confront “antifa”. Our forces operate in the spirit of the guerrilla. We see antifascist action as a paramilitary question—we are elusive and will not be baited to enemy terrain. When the fascists come to fight “antifa” they will not find antifa, they will only find these assorted liberals and the cycle will continue. Fascists want to hit people and pacifists want to get sympathy from being hit. It is a dance we plan to sit out.
Should these liberal bad elements wish to once again be protected by our numbers, training and weapons, then they should reach out and begin discussion and self-criticism. Until then we are not going to defend one group of reactionaries from another. When we fight fascists, we will always fight to win and not embrace stupid losing tactics of the White Hippie left.

Due to the fact that the opportunist organizers behind the counter demonstration are actively insinuating that we will be there in secret offering protection, when this is completely false, they have forced our hand in addressing the general public, sympathizers and supporters. Nether Antifascist Austin, nor Red Guards Austin, or any revolutionary mass organization has been contacted by the organizers who have been engaged in reckless and irresponsible gossip for some time. It is with a heavy heart that we issue this statement.

We owe it to the masses and our supporters to be clear on our intentions. We firmly stand behind the call to bring antifascism to the masses and go lower and deeper among them, to educate them in revolutionary violence and continue accumulating forces which are decisive in battle. We stand against both the forces of the right and the white-hippie left. Should the later wish to resolve the contradiction which has forced our decision they should 1.) Cease and desist in all anti-Maoist activity, including gossip and insinuation. 2.) They must respect our movement and its ability to carry our concrete and successful antifascist actions 3.) Reach out to the proper organizations and individuals to establish participation in planning actions which can prevent their reckless and ineffective mistakes from harming the overall cause of antifascism.

In the words of Chairman Mao Zedong: Without a People’s Army the people have nothing. Without our defense militias and Partisans these organizers have nothing. We will unite with whoever can be united with and until these “left” reactionaries can be united with we will not endorse their actions even with our silence.

Performative “resistance” is a liability!

Antifascism is always concrete!

Apply the principles of guerrilla war to antifascism!

Red  Guards  Austin, July 2018

Libertad para Igor Mendes


Igor Mendes, hijo del pueblo brasileño, luchador del proletariado internacional, ¡no está solo!

Un eslogan pintado en las paredes de los barrios proletarios en todo el mundo.

¿Quién es Igor Mendes y por qué lo apoyamos?

El camarada Igor Mendes es un líder revolucionario y Comunista de Brasil. El estado reaccionario Brasileño lo arrestó por ayudar a movilizar y dirigir a las masas en contra de la Copa Mundial FIFA. Fue acusado penalmente por asistir una manifestación el 15/10/14 y recientemente ha sido sentenciado a prisión, junto con 23 de sus camaradas. Los líderes emergen en la lucha de las clases y el camarada Igor Mendes es uno de ellos. Al honrarlo, también honramos a los 23 que fueron arrestados junto a el. Igor es un Comunista y un revolucionario, un verdadero hijo de nuestra clase.

En sus propias palabras, él expresa lo siguiente:

“Respondo por un solo “delito”: asociación criminal, artículo 288 del Código Penal. La ley draconiana que fue reescrita y aprobada en el 2013, se usa cada vez más para perseguir movimientos populares, especialmente aquellos que no se prestan a ser simples transmisores de proyectos de conciliación entre clases. “

Los Maoístas en Brasil han sido implacables en sus luchas de clase provenientes usando la rica tradición de la Guerrilla Araguaia, una lucha armada que tomó lugar en las décadas de los 60s y 70s. Debido a la severa pobreza y las condiciones en la cual la policía, el ejército y los propietarios matan a quien quieran, la represión estatal y el terror blanco se han puesto severas.

La FIFA destruyó las casas de los trabajadores pobres y expulsó violentamente a las masas de su propia ciudad para dejar paso a los turistas. El estado reaccionario trata a la juventud de las Favelas como plagas subhumanas. Nuestra ciudad, Austin, está familiarizada en la forma en la que los ricos y los turistas invaden nuestra ciudad y nos empujan, mientras llaman a nuestra gente “cucarachas”. El aburguesamiento ha devastado a las antiguas comunidades negras y chicanas de la clase trabajadora en Austin, representandoles a todos los forasteros que nuestra comunidad está en venta. Gracias a esta venta voraz de nuestra ciudad, Austin ha atraído a los que no viven aquí, Austin incluso ha atraído a sus propios estafadores deportivos burgueses que están haciendo transas para traer a un equipo de Major League Soccer aquí. Están manipulando a nuestra comunidad para entregar terrenos públicos y construir un estadio de fútbol para la versión inmadura de fútbol que practica los ee.uu.


La policia ataca a los manifestantes anti-FIFA en Brazil

En Brasil, mientras la juventud indignada se reunió en masa para protestar contra la Copa Mundial, los agentes estatales del gobierno de Dilma, parte de la llamada ‘marea rosa’ de la izquierda, respondieron con violencia reaccionaria y terror blanco para encarcelar a los jóvenes. Este falso “socialismo del siglo 21” muestra constantemente su cara reaccionaria. No son diferentes a los reformistas ni los revisionistas de nuestro país que sirven constantemente a la burguesía. Cuando están en crisis, la burguesía y todos los falsos socialistas se oponen a la dictadura proletaria; si no los golpeas, no se caerán.

Los 23 activistas arrestados fueron condenados a servir entre 5 y 13 años de prisión sin libertad condicional, solo por asistir a las manifestaciones en contra de la FIFA. Después de ir a prisión , el camarada Igor fue inquebrantable. En espíritu revolucionario comentó:

“¡Me iré de aquí más convencido de que Brasil necesita una gran revolución!”

Mientras estuvo en prisión, escribió un libro titulado “Pequeñas Prisiones”. El título hace referencia a la manera en la que la sociedad capitalista bajo crisis se asemeja cada vez más a las grandes prisiones, con una “pequeña prisión,” aún más aguda en la cual las masas y sus líderes revolucionarios sufren. Su libro detalla los abusos en prisión y se centra en las luchas de las masas que han sido encerradas. En un acto de solidaridad revolucionaria, el camarada Igor dedicó su primer libro a la Liga de Campesinos Pobres (LCP). LCP es una organización de masas revolucionarias que operan en la área de campo en el país brasileño para organizar a los campesinos más pobres del país en la lucha por la revolución y el socialismo de la Nueva Democracia.


La Liga de Campesinos Pobres (LCP) hacen un mitín para defender el Presidente Gonzalo del Partido Comunista de Perú

Brasil tiene una larga historia de internacionalismo proletario y uno de los movimientos más desarrollados y más avanzados de la América guiado por Maoístas. Su lucha es la nuestra, ya que estamos luchando en distintas frentes de la misma guerra por nuestra clase proletaria internacional.

Igor nunca se ha visto como una víctima, sino como un revolucionario, es un verdadero hijo de nuestra clase. La revolución produce líderes y héroes e Igor merece ambos títulos. Todos los prisioneros se enfrentan a condiciones horribles que generan una especie de miasma; para elevarse por encima de esta miseria , el revolucionario debe tener una fe inquebrantable en las masas y en la revolución. Para mantener su moral alta, Igor escribiría consignas Maoístas en las paredes como, “Atrévete a luchar, Atrévete a ganar” y dibujar martillos y hoces como un recordatorio de su compromiso revolucionario y como una declaración de desafío a las autoridades de la prisión.

El movimiento Maoísta estadounidense se está familiarizado con la represión estatal y el ataque contra revolucionarios, hemos visto un apoyo increíble para nuestro camarada Dallas, quien ha insistido a nuestro movimiento la necesidad de continuar la lucha y la negativa a capitular en las mazmorras del estado. Desde Austin hasta Brasil, estamos en la misma lucha. Todos debemos mostrar nuestra gratitud por el apoyo internacional que ha recibido el camarada Dallas al honrar y apoyar al camarada Igor.


El Camarada Igor pronunciando un discurso al lado de los 23 camaradas sentenciadas

Siendo un prisionero político, Igor nunca ha buscado un trato especial y es uno con las masas encarceladas, que sigue sirviendo a la gente por la que vive y lucha. Hemos visto esta misma resolución entre los mejores revolucionarios de nuestro movimiento y la reconocemos como un verdadero signo del espíritu indomable de nuestra clase.

Invitamos a todos los activistas y colectivos de nuestro movimiento a tomar medidas de solidaridad y a educar al proletariado estadounidense sobre las luchas de sus 23 hermanos y hermanas perseguidos por el estado brasileño. Es repugnante que cuando los estadounidenses piensan en Brasil, piensan en playas de arena blanca y agua azul y clara, olvidando la difícil situación de las personas. Las masas de Brasil un día se levantarán como un maremoto y van a recuperar dichas playas y cada Favela va a volar la bandera roja mientras el martillo y hoz triunfará entre las laderas de las montañas. ¡El Partido Comunista de Brasil (Fracción Roja) iniciará la Guerra Popular y cambiará para siempre la imagen de América del Sur mientras marcha hombro a hombro con otros Partidos hacia la revolución proletaria mundial y el Comunismo! Cuando pensemos en Brasil, pensemos en estos camaradas. Nosotros pensamos principalmente en el compañero Igor Mendes y haremos problemas en toda la nación imperialista de los EE.UU. en su nombre!

¡Igor Mendes , presente en la lucha!

¡Libertad para Igor Mendes y sus 23 camaradas!

¡Viva la juventud revolucionaria del proletariado internacional!

¡Larga vida a la solidaridad internacional!

Freedom for Comrade Igor Mendes


(Spanish language article coming  soon)

Igor Mendes, son of the Brazilian people, fighter of the international proletariat, is not alone!

a slogan painted on the walls of proletarian neighborhoods all over the world.

Who is Igor Mendes and why do we support him?

Comrade Igor Mendes is a student revolutionary and Communist Leader from Brazil. The reactionary Brazilian state arrested him for helping to mobilize and lead the masses of people against the FIFA World Cup. He was criminally charged for attending a demonstration on 10/15/14 and recently sentenced to prison along with 23 of his comrades.  Leaders emerge in class struggle and Comrade Igor Mendes is such a leader. By honoring him we honor all 23 of the arrestees. Igor is a Communist and a revolutionary, a true son of our class.

In his own words he expresses that:

“I answer for a single “crime”: criminal association, article 288 of the Penal Code. Draconian law, whose new wording was approved in 2013 and used increasingly to persecute popular movements, especially those that do not lend themselves to being mere conveyors of projects of class conciliation.”

The Maoists of Brazil have been unrelenting in their class struggles hailing from the rich tradition of the Araguaia Guerrilla, an armed struggle that took place in the 60’s and 70’s. Because of the severe poverty and conditions where the police, military and landlords kill whomever they want state repression and white terror there are very high.

FIFA destroyed the houses of the working poor and violently pushed the masses from their own city to make way for tourists. The reactionary state treats the youth of the Favela as sub-human pests. Our city, Austin is familiar with how the rich and tourists funnel into our city and push us out, while calling our people “roaches”. Gentrification has devastated former working-class Black and Chicano communities in Austin, portraying a free-for-all to outsiders. Thanks to this voracious selling off of our city, Austin even has attracted its own bourgeoisie sports hustlers who are pulling a con-job to bring a Major League Soccer team here. They are scheming our community into handing over public land to build a Soccer Stadium for the US’s own rookie version of the world’s sport.


Police attack anti-FIFA protestors in Brazil

In Brazil, as outraged youth gathered in mass to protest the world cup, the state agents of the Dilma government, part of the so-called left pink tide, responded with reactionary violence and white terror to imprison the youth.  This phony “socialism of the 21st century” constantly shows its reactionary face. They are no different than that the reformists and revisionists of our country who constantly serve the bourgeoisie.  When in crisis, the bourgeoisie and phony socialists alike oppose the proletarian dictatorship; if you do not hit them, they will not fall.

All 23 arrested activists were sentenced to between 5 to 13 years in prison without parole for attending the anti-FIFA demonstrations. After going to prison, Comrade Igor was unwavering. In true revolutionary spirit he remarked:

“I will leave here more convinced that Brazil needs a great revolution!”

While in prison he has authored a book titled “Small Prisons”. The title references how capitalist society in crisis comes to resemble the large prisons more and more, with an even more acute ‘small prison’, which the masses and their revolutionary leaders suffer. His book details prison abuses and focuses on the struggles of the masses that are locked up. In an act of revolutionary solidarity, Comrade Igor dedicated his first book to the League of Poor Peasants (LCP). LCP is a revolutionary mass organization that operates in the Brazilian countryside to organize the poorest of the countries peasantry in the struggle for New Democratic revolution and Socialism.


League of Poor Peasants (LCP) rallying to defend Chairman Gonzalo of the Communist Party of Peru

Brazil has a long history of proletarian internationalism and one of the best developed and most advanced Maoist-led movements in the Americas. Their struggle is our own, as we are fighting on different fronts in the same war for our class—the international proletariat.

Igor has never once seen himself as a victim but as a revolutionary, he is a true child of our class. The revolution produces leaders and heroes and Igor is deserving of both titles. All prisoners face horrid conditions which breed a sort of miasma; to elevate themselves above this misery, the revolutionary must have unshakable faith in the masses and the revolution. To keep his moral high, Igor would write Maoist slogans on the walls like, “Dare to Struggle, Dare to Win,” and draw hammers and sickles as a reminder of his revolutionary commitment and as a statement of defiance to the prison authorities.

The US Maoist movement is familiar with state repression and the targeting of revolutionaries, we have seen incredible support for our own Comrade Dallas, who has stressed to our movement the need for continued struggle and a refusal to capitulate in the dungeons of the state.  From Austin to Brazil, we are one struggle.  We must all show our gratitude for the international support Comrade Dallas has received by honoring and supporting Comrade Igor.


Comrade Igor giving a speech next to some of the 23 comrades sentenced

While being a political prisoner, Igor has never sought special treatment and is one with the imprisoned masses, still serving the people of the class he lives and fights for. We have seen this same resolve among our movement’s best revolutionaries and recognize it as a true sign of the indomitable spirit of our class.

We call on all the activists and collectives in our movement to take solidarity action and to educate the US proletariat on the struggles of their 23 brothers and sisters being persecuted by the Brazilian state. It is disgusting that when Americans think of Brazil, they think of white sand beaches and clear blue water, forgetting the plight of the people. The Brazilian masses will one day rise like a tidal wave and reclaim said beaches and every Favela will fly the red flag as the hammer and sickle blazes from the mountainsides. The Communist Party of Brazil (Red Fraction) will initiate The People’s War and will forever change the face of South America as it marches shoulder to shoulder with other Parties toward world proletarian revolution and Communism!  When we think of Brazil, let us think of these comrades. Let us think mainly of Comrade Igor Mendes and let us make trouble all over the imperialist nation of the US  in his name!

Igor Mendes, presente en la lucha!

Freedom for Igor Mendes and his 23 comrades!

Long live the revolutionary youth of the international proletariat!

Long live international solidarity! 

-Red Guards Austin, 7/28/2018