Internationalism is a Matter of Life and Death

Why we defend the revolution in Rojava.


Revisionists are allergic to revolution—the very thought of liberation sends them into involuntary shivers. Our orientation toward them remains the same: if we cannot convince them we will out organize them and isolate them to the best of our limited ability in local conditions. When our positions paper was released in the middle of last year it caused right-revisionists to squirm with unfounded fears that they were under immediate violent threat from our small collective. As hysterical as this was we insist our position is the same. As revolution grows their allergy places them in direct and antagonistic contradiction with the revolutionary forces, history has shown this the world over. For a revolutionary situation to mount, revisionism of the unarmed legalist variety can no longer hold sway with the people. This is a universal law. Their tacit and surface level support for “armed struggle” is only the trap door which sits at the base of the gallows of electoral politics. They support reactionary states over revolutionary armed forces the world over.

Red fighters against Daesh fascism in Rojava

Our recent fundraiser to send anti-fascists to Rojava (which was pulled down from youcaring’s website) generated enough backlash from these so-called leftists that it provides us a moment of political education which we would like to share with our supporters or those still confused by the political quagmire that is the Syrian situation.  Without pause to even make an analysis, the reactionaries who call themselves socialists began crying out with farcical and laughable ideas that “RGA is invading Syria”, which is even funnier than when we were accused of hunting them down like dogs. We were called imperialists and our supporters were banned from online groups. These revisionists wasted no time using their petty social media capital to suppress any efforts on our part to support the struggle against Daesh. Their “support” is meaningless whether it is for the Assad government or for the PYD-led efforts in Rojava, it is the support of spectators, of flies on the wall.

Maoist Guerrilla of TKP/ML TIKKO in Rojava

So let’s unpack this a little bit—expecting no response from the revisionists. We won’t argue with them but we make our case to those yet to take a side. One of the fundamental reasons that the Kurdish revolutionaries have inspired so many groups and armies in the region is their commitment to armed struggle; they do not fear the gun and have held fast to this throughout their many changes. While we are Maoists who do not share their Democratic Confederalist ideology, we too are inspired by their commitment to revolutionary armed struggle, especially by the groups who are fighting Daesh (ISIS/ISIL).  As Maoists we believe in the right to self-determination for oppressed nations and unlike these revisionists we actually follow the teachings of comrade Stalin on this question. By all measures the Kurdish people are a divided and oppressed as well as occupied nation and all revolutionaries must support their right to self-determination. This means revolutionaries oppose not only Daesh but the Turkish state and the Islamist forces in the Free Syrian Army as well.  The principle aspect in the fight against the black forces of reaction in the region is an anti-fascist characteristic that cannot be ignored.  What Rojava represents to us and the world is irreplaceable—it represents revolutionary progress, internationalist solidarity, and the front line against fascism. Daesh and their supporters represent the most backward and sick ideology which praises feudalism, fundamentalism, rape slavery, torture, and worships death.  US imperialism reluctantly “opposing” Daesh all while covertly seeing to it that aid reaches them through their reactionary puppets in the FSA is not a reason for us to denounce the comrades in Rojava that include both Maoist and Marxist-Leninist communist parties, armies, and organizations.

So why do the revisionists seethe with hatred for the liberators in Rojava?  This is due to their mechanical, dogmatic, and delusional insistence that China is socialist and Russia is a progressive force in the world today. While centrists claim this is a matter that should be left aside when making revolution, that we should submit to unprincipled peace, we remain firm that this is a distinction of revolutionary importance.

Support for Rojava and freedom from occupied Ireland! 

As China, Russia, and Iran keep Assad on life support, it becomes the top task of these domestic revisionists to discourage support for those fighting fascism in the region, even for those who are not at war with the Syrian Arab Army (SAA). They ignore the Kurdish nation’s right to self-determination and go so far as to claim we support “invading Syria”. Let us be clear: Rojava is no longer occupied by Syria. Rojava is Kurdish land. As the PYD allied forced do enter Syria it is in the fight against fascism and it is with the support of Arab Syrians. The city of Raqqa is a Daesh stronghold and Daesh poses the most immediate threat to the masses of people—Arab and Kurd alike. We are for the eradication of fascism, we are for the Americans who died fighting Franco, we are for the revolutionaries from all over the world who serve in the fight against Daesh fascism. As these comrades prepare to face death at the hands of this savage beast our hearts swell with pride for them.

Please donate to RGA at this link, we are still committed to our goal:
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Em hatin!

Death to Daesh!

Long live the International Freedom Battalion!

-Red Guards Austin

The legal-left and other toothless dogs: A J-20 report

The legal-left and other toothless dogs: A J-20 report


The pig collaborators clutched their pearls days before the first big demo of the new year. They sent their most palatable representatives to seek a parlay with us wanting some kind of “assurance” that we were not planning to “wig out,” which we assume means riot. This is all due to the fact that so-called “One Resistance” is a misnamed coalition of pig apologists, collaborators, and NGO poverty pimps who seek to prance around harmlessly squarely within the confines of Trump’s law and order, ruffling no feathers and having all permits in order while inviting none other than the racist murdering pigs and the state trooper brownshirts who have been violently attacking antifascist organizers for months.

The legal “left” seeks such collaboration and reassurances first because they hate and fear the masses. They fear the righteous anger and the rebellion of the masses and as a result have no other army to protect them except the one which already represents their class interests: the police. The legal-left is so deep in the mire of reformism and electoral cretinism that they have long ago lost any semblance of revolutionary vigor. They would pass us off as confused and angry youths, but the truth is quite the opposite. In fact, it is our understanding and application of revolutionary science that guards us against their type of capitulation as well as their conciliatory approach toward the state and other class enemies. We are not confused. When we fight, we fight for communism, and all our constructive and destructive activity is geared toward building our party, which will wage a protracted people’s war, establishing socialism and continuing the revolution under the rule of the working class.

Some of the worst legal-left organizations have a long track record of being paid by the police, and we have already argued in other places that groups like Austin Justice Coalition should not be worked with. Yet there are still some “socialist” organizations who continue to sit with them and prop up their sham “resistance.” What does resistance even mean to these cretins? To us, resistance means rebellion. Put simply, resistance means putting a stop to anything and everything that harms our class. It means fighting tooth and nail to build the structures to defend ourselves and make war against this system. Resistance does not mean respectability politics and calmly tailing behind trade unions who endorse Democrats while running useless candidates. Resistance cannot mean working within the system, and it certainly does not mean calling yourself a “socialist” out of fear of what it means to live up to the title of communist.16215683_137964006709729_1883193440_n

Communists are rebels, and we resist. We resist anything to do with this toxic, abusive, and profoundly sick system, and we aim to kill it. We mince no words about this and discourage anyone from swallowing the sugar pills of the legal-left, who have gotten so soft soaking in the system that one is hard pressed to even tell the difference between them and the rest of the filth.

We participated in and supported the call for a united antifascist bloc. This bloc was formed principally for self-defense, not only against the police but also against the liberals and their legal-left vultures and any other enemy of the people. At previous demos after Trump defeated the war criminal Clinton, our comrades were attacked by the state and fascists and have been snitched on (framed, actually) by liberals, who materially serve as the front line of defense for fascists and as an intelligence network for the pigs. Our bloc offered us strength in numbers while preventing liberals and their legal-left representatives from ideologically or physically dividing us or watering down our message.


Maoism gives us the weapons that will crush the enemy beneath the boots of the masses. It lights the way and exposes the opportunists and sellouts who have outlived themselves. It provides us with three indispensible weapons that all Maoist organizations, regardless of their size, are working to build and establish.

The first and most important among these is the Maoist party—Red Guards Austin’s reason for existence is to build this party with other Maoists in the US. The party-building organization becomes the most crucial weapon for a Maoist because all other work stems from the success of the party building effort. Without a party there will be no revolution. The party is the organized expression of the working class; it is the leader in everything.

The second most important indispensable  weapon is the people’s army, which is commanded exclusively by the Maoist communist party and exists in nuclei in the form of partisan squads and people’s self-defense units. As the party-building efforts mount and crystalize through struggles and two-line struggles internal to ourselves, we will continue to militarize and build an army around our party that will be focused on people and not technology or weaponry—people’s soldiers who will arm themselves by capturing weapons from the enemy in the proletarian method of building armed forces. We reiterate the universal truth of Maoism by repeating these words from Mao: “Without a people’s army, the people have nothing.” For us, inch by inch the party and the people’s army even in their embryonic states are inseparable, they grow together and live and die together.

The third indispensable weapon is the united front, and in our case this means a united front between all friends of the people who are naturally enemies of rising fascism. Our united front is composed principally of the organizations of the masses and revolutionary mass organizations, oppressed-nations organizations, and the broad masses of the people themselves.

These three weapons must be cultivated at all stages of building and must not be ignored or neglected. To do so would be to neglect the needs of the people and fail to serve and defend them wholeheartedly.

So what is different about the antifascist bloc we took part in and helped to lead? For starters, it correctly identifies who our friends are and who our enemies are by safeguarding against the police and exposing rising fascism as the number one threat posed by this presidency. Secondly, it is a structure that allows for a diversity of tactics without compromising on self-defense. In the past the enemy and enemy agents have been able to isolate comrades and seriously injure or arrest them. The antifascist bloc at J-20 was a nascent form of a more disciplined bloc that can move as a unit and coordinate defensive moves—or attacks, for that matter. We learn by doing, and this action provided us with a practical basis for more disciplined militant actions to come. Thirdly, to be antifascist means abandoning fascist notions of ideal workers. This means we understand our class with nuance, that within our class is multiple overlapping oppressions rooted in class based oppression and exploitation some workers face a compounded set of oppressions. We are all-inclusive so that all can contribute to the best of their ability for the people and the revolution. Unlike the legal-left, which fails to keep pace, stick together, or provide spaces for those with mobility impairments, we march to include all of our comrades, who are well fit to smash a fascist from their wheelchairs if need be.  This too is a vital part of serving the actual needs of the people where the legal-left fail and show their true colors as ideological agents of the existing state by reproducing elitism and ignorance obscuring the matter.

People are disabled by capitalism, and the socialist system which we are prepared to die for is one that does not disable people and does not exclude anyone from social activity, which must be mainly understood as rebellion. While liberals and the legal-left will of course hide behind their hollow claims of fighting for disabled people, the reality is that time and again, it is they who help perpetuate not only disability but the discriminatory ideology that underpins it. Furthermore, and crucially, the methods the liberals and the legal-left cling to are completely unable to create the kind of society where all give according to ability and receive according to need. This is a society that can be won only through class struggle and the dictatorship of the proletariat. This society, communism, can come about only through a revolutionary socialist epoch to remold and transform society.

Finally, we must also state that it was not well-meaning liberals who defeated the Nazis and their fascist hordes—it was Communists! It was Stalin’s Red Army that closed and liberated the death camps in Poland. It was not love that trumped hate—it was guns wielded and commanded by Communists. Ideologically, we condemn nonviolence as counterrevolutionary trash which is in direct service to the ruling class. Antifascism means preparing to use and master revolutionary violence. It means organizing in a far-seeing way, beyond demos and antifa response work, beyond even armed community self-defense into people’s war.



This first big demo of the new year shows us two paths: on one hand, the liberal and legal-left road to nowhere, which sits squarely inside the system and lacks the vision of anything else, and on the other hand the road of rebellion, of actual resistance, of finally taking off the shackles of this system and standing up against it—of not working within it but killing it from the outside. We are small right now, but we are growing and will continue to grow. Because we tirelessly stand for the working class and never abandon its worldview, and because we insist on analyzing all questions using revolutionary science, communists are both far-sighted and perceptive of the internal motion of things. This is why we make the best analysis and pose the greatest threat to the capitalist system. We chart our own path and build our own forces, and we can develop and sharpen our own weapons as well as capturing them from the enemy. We do not fear the people but embolden them, politicize and train them to form militias and then an army. We know the people do not fear us either, because we speak with them constantly.

What about the pigs themselves? They kept a distance, and we feel this is due in part to the success of the antifascist bloc. Several of the crowd’s chants struck a nerve with the pigs, and in spite of their anger they found it impossible to single out leaders this time. The pigs even went so far as to suggest that they protect us “commies,” a claim that is laughable, since it is they who pepper-spray, beat, and arrest us and in one case attempted to kill one of us.

The march itself, on our end, was a success: we protected each other, drew necessary lines of demarcation, and gave a clear antifascist message. We concluded the night with flaming American flags and a burning effigy of Donald Trump in piñata form to chants of “Love doesn’t trump hate—punch a Nazi in the face!”, “Fuck Trump, fuck Pence—organize for self-defense!”, and “One solution: revolution!” We will never give assurance to the legal-left. We are not accountable to toothless dogs than cannot bite even when cornered by fascists. We are accountable only to the people. It is right to rebel, to increase the pressure, and to turn rebellion into real resistance and to convert resistance into revolution—armed struggle, people’s war!

Down with all traitors to the people!

Delay means death! Organize against fascism!

– Red Guards Austin, January 2017


Statement for the New Year


Warm greetings and happy new year to our comrades across the globe, to our supporters here, and to all fellow travelers and anti-fascists!

Since just before the elections state repression on activists in Austin has been increasing. Now at least two local comrades have received unwarranted visits from the FBI, neither of these comrades spoke to the pigs and it was not made clear to us by our supporters what the pigs were after. We must live by a simple policy- I saw nothing, I heard nothing, and I will say nothing! In the political climate where right wing and fascist populism continues to spread like a contagion and on the eve of Trumps inauguration we, more than ever, must adopt firm principles of security culture. Already we have seen the state go to extreme measures to attack and attempt to frame our comrades.

During the first wave of anti-Trump protests, Texas Department of Public Safety officers (brown shirts) arrested over ten people on bullshit charges, they added and removed street signs to tow cars belonging to activists and then intentionally lost them in their databases (losing entire cars still not returned) while fees continued to accumulate. The State Pigs battered one comrade and broke his neck while trying to frame him for assault with a deadly weapon, a charge so far-fetched not even the court would touch it. As mentioned in other statements their goal was to eliminate a revolutionary leader among the people. He was denied medical attention in the cities dungeon where his injuries could have killed or paralyzed him for life; it was only due to the courageous efforts of supporters and the people that this comrade is alive and recovering today. Five other comrades were charged with intervening in police matters (saving the life of their comrade from kill happy pigs). Some of these comrades face trumped up and false charges of assaulting an officer which in Texas is a serious charge. State Pigs did not stop at making arrests and trying to kill activists they proceeded to provide the media (including fascist media like Breitbart, Infowars etc.) with detailed list and photos of the Red anti-fascists who were arrested. Falsely reporting that all who were arrested were Red Guards, this resulted in the pigs intentionally misgendering trans prisoners during a hospital bedside illegal interrogation. This fascist relationship between the armed goons of the state and those tasked with reproducing the ideology of it becomes crystal clear as the media is the liaison between the fascists in uniform and those out of uniform. As a result of this legal doxxing our activists and supports have been on high-alert and instructed to be prepared to defend themselves against hate crimes and fascist attacks, as always, by any means necessary. We must pull out all stops and continue to raise money for the legal and political defense of these comrades.

Pig pressing knee on comrades broken neck. 

The state brought out its brown shirts again on November 19th to protect just over a dozen fascists from around 1,000 anti-fascists. Videos can be seen of hardcore neo-Nazis crying for the state pigs to provide them with a safe-space—the pigs obliged by bringing over 150 riot cops to escort the trembling and scared neo-Nazis back to their vehicles and out of town. While this made our message loud and clear in Austin, the very same DPS brown shirt pigs were seen a few weeks later protecting neo-Nazi Richard Spencer at Texas A&M university in College Station where they made arrests and gave one comrade a concussion after hitting her in the face with a rifle butt. Again anti-fascists were fearless in confronting the enemy.

It comes as no shock or surprise that the local and state police along with the FBI have been knocking on doors in the past few weeks to try and scare or intimidate activists, impeding their ability to organize. At exactly the same time opportunists have chosen this moment to launch character attacks—spreading rumor, lies, and innuendo in classical Trotskyite fashion. Remember there is not a ship that sails without rats, rats that make their presence felt the moment things get tough, we can and must weather this. As the state hunts down, batters, and frames revolutionaries these rats are eager to do the job of discrediting from within the parameters of the “communist movement”. This is called pig-work and it is carried out by agents and useful-idiots alike. It is not acceptable in any way, shape, or form regardless of one’s intention. Real community organizers and our supporters are battling the system to stay alive, stay free, and most importantly to resist—we fight tooth and nail to build the communist party as visualized by Lenin and Mao.

There is nothing less desirable to and more hated by the state and powers-that-be than a Maoist Communist Party because unlike other so-called parties it exists for one reason—the violent overthrow of the existing order. This means  armed struggle, the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat, and the continuation of revolution in the period of socialism. This type of party is iron clad and our party building organizations must also be iron clad. We must continue to build, to unite with all who can be united with, and expose the opportunists and barge rats for the Trots they are. We stand for the establishment of anti-fascist self-defense units which must be armed when and where possible. We stand for the building of the party and its construction of a people’s army and a united front between all those oppressed and exploited by the capitalist-imperialist system, by all those who hate fascism and love liberation. If this has earned us the enmity of the increasingly fascist state we must accept our role as rebels and proceed accordingly.

We call upon all true friends to pay close attention to these developments, to slam the door in the face of any pig who comes knocking, and to organize like never before against the tide of death that is fascism. We strongly encourage all comrades to not give into liberal tendencies which now more than ever can be in service to the pig system. Counter intelligence programs will make a comeback and disinformation is their currency. We must use the science of Marxism Leninism Maoism to cut through the fog—this means holding fast to our principles and improving our style of work. We are committed to continuing the fight in the year 2017 as we have for the past two years, without mincing words or concealing our views! If you are in Austin and support the work of RGA we press upon you the need to get organized, we encourage people to join one of the local progressive, militant, or revolutionary organizations who as we write this are fighting hard for a better world, these include; Revolutionary Alliance of Trans People Against Capitalism, Serve The People, Defend our Hoodz/Defiende el Barrio, the Revolutionary Student Front, and the Palestine Solidarity Committee. If you are in San Marcos we encourage you to link up with the Revolutionary Front San Marcos.

To higher summits still, let the red flag guide the way.

Red Guards Austin 2017







DO NOT REVERSE THE VERDICT: A Tribute to Comrade Joseph Stalin


In the history of the communist movement, few figures offer such constant and thorough demarcations as Joseph Stalin. The very mention of his name separates the grain from the chaff and the phony from the real communists; few have ever reached such noble heights. Comrade Stalin is rightly regarded as one of the great teachers of Marxism; he is adored alongside Marx, Engels, Lenin and Mao with good reason. Some stains however do not wash out, and Maoism is no different; we still have those among us who would devalue Comrade Stalin, who would take the secondary aspect of his errors in dialectical materialism and make them the principle factor. These types of people only shoot themselves in the foot and look foolish limping out of history.

On this day we choose to celebrate the life and contributions of Comrade Stalin, which is far too beautiful and vast to recount here. In the days when Stalin was known as Koba, he not only financed the Bolshevik Party through armed expropriations, he also led sporadic guerrilla fighting as early as 1905. He was a working class poet who never feared getting his hands dirty in service of the people, which set him apart from many of his Marxist contemporaries.

It was Comrade Stalin who first laid down a framework using Marxism to provide us with a basis for analyzing the national and colonial questions. Stalin as an oppressed-nation person himself contended seriously with the questions of national liberation from occupation, succession and the right to self-determination for oppressed nations. As leader of the Comintern, Comrade Stalin supported and pushed forward the Black Belt Thesis, which advocated for the right to self-determination of black Americans in the US south. It is a thesis from which we have much to learn still.

Stalin was a dedicated student and defender of Comrade Lenin, on one occasion smuggling Lenin out of the country to escape the risk of being killed. Without Stalin there would be no Leninism. Among his many contributions, synthesizing Marxism into Marxism-Leninism has to be counted as one of the greatest. It was Marxism Leninism which stormed the earth and proved itself as universal in the trenches of class struggle.

It was Comrade Stalin who ended the state capitalist project of the New Economic Program and began the construction of socialism for the first time in human history. Stalin led humanity and our class to previously unknown summits of greatness. He led a victorious struggle against the die-hard rightists and other enemies by defeating the likes of Leon Trotsky and his reactionary headquarters. Trotsky did not live and all that was to come of his ideology is the running joke that is Trotskyism, with its crews of reactionaries who fear the term Communist and instead opt for “socialist” when formulating and naming their revisionist organizations, yet it was Marx who correctly stated that a communist disdains to hide their views.

Among the most valuable of Comrade Stalin’s contributions was his decisive leadership in defeating the greatest threat to our class, the fascist hordes in World War 2. It was the bullets of the Red Army which put down the Nazi dogs and it was Communist hands which tore down the gates of Auschwitz. In these troubled times where fascist populism is on the rise in the imperialist countries let the spirit of Comrade Stalin light our way to battle once more.

With the death of Comrade Stalin came those who would restore capitalism in the USSR. To accomplish this treachery, they had to do their utmost to discredit the name Stalin. Mao Zedong led the charge against the modern revisionists who would try and “de-Stalinize” the International Communist Movement, and true Communists all over the world mourned for the loss of our hero and upheld Chairman Mao’s correct assessment of Comrade Stalin. It is not that we deny Stalin having made errors, it is that we understand that those who try to erase Stalin are making a grave mistake. They seek to smuggle in the same rightism which was displayed by the reactionaries in power in the USSR when they reformed the name of Bukharin. Our domestic revisionists have attempted as much in other ways, which is evident in every sellout or “post Maoist” who has turned in their communism and turned their back on the people. They all began this road with a hyper-critical denunciation of Comrade Stalin.

Once more it is none other than Stalin who separates the real from the fake. It was Comrade Stalin who served as the bridge between two of the three greatest theorists to have ever lived; Lenin and Mao. Maoists who would dispense with Stalin cease to be Maoists! To live on in our hearts is to live eternal. Happy birthday to the man of steel. Let one million communists be forged in your honor and in your vein.


A Red Guards Reflection on the Recent “White Lives Matter” Protest


As organized fascists have been attempting to make a presence and gain traction here in Austin, communists and otherwise revolutionary-minded folks have been ramping up our antifascist work. Aside from issuing a call for heightened antifascist organizing among the organizations that already exist, we have also managed to form a coalition of antifascists, which we so desperately need in this time and place. This coalition has served as a nexus for antifascists of all ideological traditions (the overwhelming majority of them being revolutionary communists) to come together in an effort to stop fascism from gaining any support and hinder the ability of fascists to organize. The coalition was formed as a direct response to a planned protest by “White Lives Matter,” a neo-nazi front that announced their plans for protest at the Texas state capitol on November 19, 2016. Antifascists immediately hit the pavement, rallying the masses of Austin to unite in a counter-protest against this public display of white supremacy. This broad grassroots work proved to be fruitful, as those who intended to drown out the fascists outnumbered them by the hundreds and effectively stifled their ability to be seen or heard, surrounding them from all sides and drowning out their pitiful attempts at chants

This counter-protest was rightfully more militant and angry than ones we have seen over the past few weeks since Trump’s electoral win. Since this counter-protest was organized by revolutionaries and not the liberals who have seemingly run out of steam after their week-long run of protests, we were able to reach the parts of the community that aren’t as organized—and aren’t as liberal. Organizations such as Serve the People – Austin, Revolutionary Student Front, Revolutionary Alliance of Trans People Against Capitalism (RATPAC), Palestinian Solidarity Committee, and members of Austin Socialist Collective were some of the most active and militant of counter-protesters.

From the very beginning, antifa outnumbered the fascists. Nobody approaching from the street could have seen or heard the white supremacists, who were stuck on the sidewalk, surrounded on all sides by protesters. This was a planned tactic to prevent the cops from keeping the fascists on one side of the street and the antifascists on the other. As the event became more tense, police started to line riot cops up and down 11th Street in preparation for what seemed like an all-out riot unfolding. Antifascists protesters were attempting to entice the white supremacists to step outside of their protective barrier of cops. The nazis looked visibly shaken at this point and soon the pigs on horses were brought out to create a bigger space for the nazis. At one point the police used the horses to push people out of the way to make room for the barricades and in the process they trampled a few protesters and pushed the crowd into a rope that was blocking off the space the cops were trying to move people into.

The fascists left earlier than planned and required a riot police escort to protect them from the masses, who at one point were chanting “Fuck a nazi up! Fuck a nazi up!” As the “White Lives Matter protesters” filed out one by one with their pig escort, the counter-protesters were quick on their tail and chomping at the bit to get through the line of riot cops that attempted to create a barrier between the angry masses and the scared-ass fascists. The antifascists followed several blocks, occasionally breaking through the wall of cops and snatching up a nazi or two. The nazis cowered and ducked into the capitol parking garage, which APD had to surround and flood with pigs and horses to keep protesters from making good on their chants, which some managed to do before the fascists drove away.

It is our duty as communists, and specifically as Maoists, to carry on the fight against fascists that so many of our predecessors have lost their lives defeating. We DO NOT believe in freedom of hate speech, and we will always confront and shut down these vermin when they attempt to make an appearance. As Maoists, we firmly believe that white supremacists need to be met with and overwhelmed by a greater force. This is why we called for an armed partisan unit under our command. Partisans are not a people’s army, but they should still be guided by the party (or, in the absence of a party, disciplined cadre). Partisans are firmly on the side of the people in their fight against fascism and exist for the purpose of ensuring survival. We will never again have another Greensboro Massacre, where the KKK killed communists who were shouting “death to the Klan!” And our blood will not be the only blood spilled if they try to stab us as TWP did to antifa in California. We will fight back every single time!!

(For a more in-depth, theoretical analysis of the rising fascist movement in Austin, the United States, and globally, please read and share our recent document “It will not fall unless you hit it: An analysis of the growing fascist trends in the United States”)


An analysis of the growing fascist trends in the United States


This theoretical document was written as a local circular but it is being made available to anyone interested.


The writing of this article was prompted by the recent wave of fascist activity in Austin as well as the resistance to that activity. These events, like all events, do not occur in a microcosm and cannot and must not be compartmentalized and isolated into neat little packages. Nothing in reality is so simple. We aim here to provide a brief and simple theoretical framework for understanding these conditions as well as fighting to change them. We rely on the science of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism as our guide in all matters.

In Austin as well as in the US in general we have seen a rise in what we understand as fascist populism, which has mobilized and embarked on increasingly bold actions in response to local and countrywide conditions. This rise in right-wing and fascist visibility must not be misunderstood or deliberately misrepresented if we wish to combat it seriously. So our point of departure must be to answer the first question: what is fascism? Where does it come from and why does it emerge? What does it look like as a popular movement that has yet to gain power? Fascism is not simply vocal people with bad ideas (though they most often are both); fascism does not fall from the sky or just spring into being in ignorant minds. Harboring such liberal illusions is the most deadly sort of metaphysics, and in the final analysis these illusions can only give camouflage to the true nature of fascism and hence help it spread among the masses. Fascism is the most reactionary, most deadly, and most vicious form of imperialism—it is open terror with no more illusory democracy. Ideologically it embodies the quest for an open terrorist dictatorship of the imperialist bourgeoisie.

1. Imperialism in decline and a state of crisis

While fascism comes in many flavors there are a few universal aspects that must be the center of any analysis. Fascism always comes from the contradictions within the bourgeois camp itself, and it is no way ideologically or materially a product of the working class. Imperialism has its own contradictory aspects and enters into states of serious crisis that see contradictions arise between various sections of the bourgeoisie. When these contradictions become particularly sharp in an imperialist country, a rising fascism is almost certain. This matter is of particular importance for communists in the imperialist centers. While Russia has seen one of the largest neo-Nazi movements in the world, we should rightly focus on US imperialism, which is the greater threat to the world right now.

US imperialism is in backwards motion: it is losing territory to Chinese and Russian imperialism as well as being beaten back by the peoples of the third world. As US imperialism is entering crisis, both presidential potentials represent basically the same thing—their greatest similarity is that both are incredibly thirsty for war and conquest. The elections themselves are just a pageant designed to lend legitimacy to whichever will wage war in the way the imperialist bourgeois would most prefer. The decline in US imperialist–controlled territory as well as the scramble for war means that whichever wins, fascism in the US and its popular movements are likely to increase.

The bourgeois can be thrown into a state of crisis for many reasons, one of which being the weakness or the strength of the communist movement. When imperialism is threatened it responds with fascism, the contradictory and antagonistic opposite of communism. This has been seen in places like Indonesia, where there was a large and popular legal communist movement that worked alongside its progressive national bourgeois before being wiped out by a US-backed military coup that proceeded to systematically carry out genocide (1 to 3 million communists were murdered along with their families and anyone else suspected of being a supporter). We have seen this inversely in other places, especially in Europe before World War II, where the communist movement was relatively weak, where fascists came to power on the wings of populism with very little resistance. In the US itself we have such a condition: we are host to one of the weakest communist movements, where revisionism holds sway and revolutionary communists are few and far between. Our weakness here lends strength to the rising fascist movement. The prevailing conditions for the US—shrinking world hegemony and a disillusionment with neoliberalism—create just the right environment for fascism to spread its darkness like a plague. Very stark horrors come to mind when imagining an openly fascist US. This in the absence of any existing socialist state that could defeat it would be apocalyptic to say the least.

Contrary to liberalism’s preferred narrative, Donald Trump is not the cause of right-wing and fascist populism; he is primarily a symptom, not a cause, though he in turn is further whipping up the confidence of those susceptible to his boisterous, chauvinist rhetoric. Just like his counterpart Clinton, he has faithfully represented the interests of the imperialist bourgeoisie, who have come upon an inevitable crisis. This crisis is the wellspring of the obvious and unmistakable increase in fascist activity. Fascism cannot be defeated by a vote, and it never has been, so cast aside all illusions that a vote for Clinton will in any way oppose fascism. The only reason large sections of the bourgeoisie from the Republican camp have come out to support Clinton is because they see her as the more reliable warmonger; while they admire Trump’s viciousness, they also fear his instability—instability that is an inherent part of fascism. It is fascism’s zeal for war that makes it internally volatile, combustible, and an overall undesirable weapon to most of the ruling class at this point. The ruling class like all things divides into two, and Trump represents only the first glimpse into what is coming regardless of who wins the elections this month. At some point the currently secondary aspect within the bourgeoisie can overcome its counterpart and become the principal aspect—demanding the open terrorist dictatorship and the reorganization of the state in line with fascism and its aims.

We understand that this can happen without “revolution” but it cannot happen without bloodshed, for fascism is birthed in blood.

2. Fascism’s variants and its mass base

“Fascism is able to attract the masses because it demagogically appeals to their most urgent needs and demands. Fascism not only inflames prejudices that are deeply ingrained in the masses, but also plays on the better sentiments of the masses, on their sense of justice and sometimes even on their revolutionary traditions.”


Fascism, as the most pure expression of imperialism, is not without its mass base. While its strongest base exists among the dwindling petty bourgeoisie, or small business owners, it still appeals to and orients itself toward large sections of the working class. In a reverse of the Maoist method, it seeks to consolidate the backward, win over the intermediate, and isolate (or exterminate through genocide) the advanced. It consistently frames itself in plain talk, where it appears to shoot from the hip, and it aims right at the frustrations of the largest sections of the working class and appeals to their short-term interests. It is no good for them, but just like drugs it does, on the surface, seem to solve problems and (very) temporarily cause them to feel better, and like drugs it comes at the expense of others.

To defeat a thing you must understand it. It is important now for fascists to use a story of victimization, in the form of their claim that whites are the ones who are really suffering. And it’s crucial to understand the kernel of truth in their story: working-class white people do suffer at the hands of capital. While sections of the left will deny this (based on sometimes marginal and always relative privilege), they are ultimately allowing the fascists to answer the burning questions of the white working class and failing to take up the task themselves. Every bit of ground we cede to them we retreat closer to our own graves.

Fascism itself has its own variations as well as its own internal contradictions that keep it struggling for unity within its own camp. US fascists can coalesce and consolidate around moments or figures to spread their contagion among the masses or large sections of the masses, and it is when fascist sentiment runs high that we have the most to lose.

3. Liberals and revisionists—the left wing of fascism

Consistently the liberal “analysis” of fascism revolves around the anti-people stereotype of the “southern rural idiot.” This first and foremost absolves the bourgeoisie of being the source for fascist ideology, and at the same time it blames sections of the working class, in essence shaming them for their own poor living conditions. This attitude is often coupled with a phony demand for democratic rights, which by flattening the contradictions in the typical liberal way seeks to provide “free speech” for fascism, equating all violence, never distinguishing between the oppressed’s need for revolution and the oppressors’ need for repressive violence.

The revisionist on the other hand sits far closer to the revolutionary movement, sometimes even hiding within our own ranks, pushing their reformism, tailism, and electoralism, all of which offer safe cover for fascism by denying the necessity of revolutionary armed struggle. Revisionist parties and the theories that guide them most often concern themselves with defending reactionary regimes and parties that themselves verge on or harbor fascism. From them come all sorts of vile projects, for instance the recently founded “Students and Youth for a New America,” which is an outgrowth of the Workers World Party. SYNA, through its combination of reactionary nationalism of the oppressor white nation and its call for “socialism,” can only appear to any historically literate person as Hiteresque. This is one example among many in the US “left” who are so far to the right politically that their brand of socialism is fascism in content and “socialist” in name only. They too stand for class collaboration, for a reckless adherence to past dogma mystified for cultural use, and for a toxic dose of “patriotism,” all of which are elements of fascism. Open fascists like the Traditionalist Worker Party also play up the word “socialism” in their own efforts to rope in and capitalize on the frustrations of the US working class. In essence, revisionists always subvert the class struggle and push the masses further into the very system that is developing toward fascism—depriving them of a genuine revolutionary movement.

4. On forming a united front against fascism

As mentioned above, fascism appeals to a mass base among the middle class (the petty bourgeoisie) as well as the working class. The working class’s susceptibility to it is not due to idiocy but instead to confusion. We must never forget to demarcate between what seems to be in the short-term or immediate interests of some limited sections of the working class and the long-term interests of the working class as a whole. Fascist propaganda, as well as its ideology, appeals to the immediate frustration of the white working class while baiting it away from its deeper, more all-around long-term interests as workers of the world. They use slogans such as “white lives matter,” which simplifies and liberalizes the actual agenda of the Traditionalist Worker Party. There are genuine grievances among the white working class, which fascism looks to address in its vitriolic and hyper-nationalist way. The majority of hunger in the United States due to decreasing wages is felt by the working class, including its white majority. As the state itself changes words from “hunger” to “food insecurity,” the workers’ frustration mounts. Sections of the liberal and revisionist left will content themselves to focus primarily on interpersonal aggressions and relative privilege, which only fetishizes identity and sits by while the white masses are more and more won over by the right. To combat this trend we must begin establishing a united front against fascism, one that can win sections of the white working class away from right-wing ideology—something that is in the long-term interests of all sections of the working class.

One major and immediate roadblock to defeating the growing fascist movement is the established left’s previously mentioned inability and unwillingness to answer the burning questions of the white working class, a task that has been taken up by the right. In the absence of a genuine revolutionary communist analysis, any layer or section of the working class is prone to seek metaphysical solutions, especially those that lack liberal apologies for their difficult conditions and in some way appeal to their genuine desires for “freedom” and “liberation.” This thirst offers exactly the sort of contradiction needed for the lurking fascist, who will sell the worker on their immediate needs at the expense of their class as a whole. Contradictions between workers are universal to the capitalist mode of production, inherent to the fact that workers must compete for jobs. Such contradictions are typically non-antagonistic, and it is the maneuver of fascism to turn them antagonistic, turning the white worker into a scab against their class siblings of the oppressed nations. One invaluable asset to the fascist is the whole settler-colonialist ideology that permeates the US ideological superstructure. “Make America Great Again” is one such promise that lacks merit—because even for the white working class, America was never “great.” This slogan capitalizes on the workers’ needs for better wages, which they currently seek through more industrial jobs, and it then shifts the blame to oppressed-nations people for the lack of jobs and smuggles in a call to return to the days of lynching, slavery, and indigenous genocide. This is the American dream for the fascist. We must seriously concern ourselves with mass antifascist education that can both explain and combat neoliberal reforms and expose the true class nature and origin of fascism.

Our agitation-propaganda must be communist in its essence; it must utilize a correct method of leadership and come from the masses to the masses. The Maoist method of propaganda seeks to answer the questions that the masses already have, using patience and principle in the process and deeply analyzing all the most pressing issues. This cannot be accomplished without being among the people. The fascist method of propaganda is to speak loud enough, long enough, over and over again, shouting at the masses until the masses come to take the loud lie for the truth.

In the long term there is no genuine antifascist struggle without a mass character. Even the most committed comrades, we ourselves included, are nothing more than rain drops against the armored shell of the fascist beast. We must reach the masses: our lives depend on it. The most advanced sections of the US masses are of course found in oppressed nations and should be consolidated and steeled against fascism in the interest of their national liberation and the right to self-determination. This can in no way imply that the white workers who constitute a majority of the working class should be ignored or sidelined in our mass work. This is not the immediate responsibility of the oppressed-nations comrades, who have to first and foremost liberate their own nations; the comrades from the white nation must be charged with taking this task seriously, because no amount of skin privilege will compensate for the fact that they will be killed for being communists should the fascists gain power. Ideas of race and its place in fascism are secondary to fascists’ hatred for their antagonistic opposite—communists.

5. Mass work and antifascism

In order for antifascism to establish its popular base among the people, the people’s needs and interests must remain front and center. We have to be where the people need us and to serve them wholeheartedly. This can and must be done throughout the whole country. This can come in any form based on the given conditions of an area, whether it is part of workplace struggles, organizing against benefit cuts, or directly feeding and clothing working-class communities. All of these fronts no matter where we are must be considered as part of our antifascist work, which must inform our tactics. It is better to begin this work before fascist populism can grow any more.

In Greece, the fascist party Golden Dawn has embarked upon addressing austerity using tactics it has appropriated from the left by operating soup kitchens and food pantries. Of course, these service programs are not for the people, but for “Greeks only.” This type of favoritism has been found in the left as well, and we should oppose it on the grounds of establishing a united front. Fascist ideology reaches disenfranchised white youth at an early age: its posturing and inherent militarism are intentionally captivating to young people who are justly angry and desire to fight to change their conditions. This anger and desire to fight must be channeled into efforts to serve the people. On campuses and in the streets, youth revolutionary fronts should be established.

When concerned with a united front a few things must be plainly understood from the get-go: what we argue is never for class capitulation or collaboration. It must be made clear that the only united front that communists should enter is one where we remain independent and able to offer guidance. For this reason we must be cautious to never align ourselves with any cousins or twins of fascism. Unity is always built upon ideological struggle, which not only corrects our own mistakes but wins others over to our side or as supporters. Communists must exclude anticommunists from any antifascist work for this reason. Even liberals and petty bourgeoisie can be united with provided they do not harbor anticommunism, which is objectively in the service of the fascists.

Crypto-fascists on the left cannot be united with due to their backward analysis of imperialism, which cannot correctly identify the contradictions creating populist fascism. These organizations will only be a hindrance and a burden holding back militant antifascist resistance. Real anti-imperialism is indispensable to combating fascism. To fail to correctly fight imperialism is to give up ground to fascism. Organizations that shill for Chinese and Russian imperialism cannot actually fight imperialism.

6. Ideological and physical confrontations

“Many comrades did not believe that so reactionary a brand of bourgeois ideology as the ideology of fascism, which in its stupidity frequently reaches the point of lunacy, would be able to gain any mass influence. This was a serious mistake. The putrefaction of capitalism penetrates to the innermost core of its ideology and culture, while the desperate situation of wide masses of the people renders certain sections of them susceptible to infection from the ideological refuse of this putrefaction.”


Combating fascism means doing so radically in all respects—politically, culturally, ideologically, and physically. Fascism finds its traction in the ideology produced by capitalism, with all of its individualism, always seeking to divide and never to unite, where the greatest social honor is to succeed at the cost of all others. Individualism is a capitalist outlook that must be taken seriously and rooted out. To do this we must ourselves fear no sacrifice and be daring, always putting the interest of the people before our own self-interest. Fascist propaganda is keen on the fact that individualism creates the need for heroes, measures to look up to and aspire to. This is where the fascist notion of the superman is found: it is individualism in a concentrated form. We do ourselves and the masses no favors by engaging in the subjectivist error of rejecting heroism altogether, and we must instead provide the people with revolutionary heroism and revolutionary heroes.

Fascism in its hyper-nationalist fervor will dig painstakingly through history for folk heroes to appropriate to stand as these supermen. They do this in Turkey with Ataturk, in the US with figures like the “founding fathers,” in occupied Ireland with William of Orange, and so on. They provide a pantheon of figures to fit into their cause. Communists must look at the history of class struggle, which is rich and diverse, and promote the people’s heroes like John Brown, Nat Turner, and others who sacrificed themselves in the interest of the people.

While communists are correct to oppose all forms of reactionary nationalism in favor or revolutionary internationalism, we cannot overcorrect and become nihilistic. We must look to the best parts of the working-class struggle and uphold those traditions in the cultural sphere. We must understand and promote parts of our history that matter, like the organizing of Alabama sharecroppers during the Great Depression. We must look to the most revolutionary aspects of the Labor movement, the Black Panthers, the New Communist Movement, and so on. While we look to these things we must also look critically and never fetishize our history the way that fascists do. We communists must remain forward-facing and not sink into a nostalgic or reactionary worldview.

Revolutionaries are not born: there is nothing in the blood, in being born to working-class parents, that makes someone a fighter for their class. We are a product of our material conditions shaped in a dialectical process of theory->practice->theory, and so on. No one is born ready to physically confront a mob of fascists when they decide to organize publicly. Some have the freedom and relative safety to ignore these matters for a long time. We do not, and so we are left with nothing but the necessity to fight. This reality places self-defense on our agenda. Fascism is thoroughly metaphysical: it bows not to reason and analysis but respects only might. For the fascist to retreat he must remain afraid. If our streets are to remain free of organized fascists, we must never avoid the necessity of physical confrontations. All comrades are correct to defend themselves and each other from fascist attacks, by any means necessary. This should be taken seriously and training should commence. Militarism is the method of fascism, and communists must not succumb to such shit. The principal method of training comes through practice: we must never overemphasize training, and we must instead rely on our numbers and our courage in battle. All members of the front and all cadres must be tempered in struggle through repeated confrontations. We must all go through heart-checks, where our wills and our resolve are put to the test. Each time we develop as conscious and disciplined fighters who learn how to make war by making war.

Every single comrade can put in work in the antifascist struggles, regardless of their physical ability. Intel can be as useful to self-defense as a gun or a knife. All macho attitudes and ableist thinking must be challenged and left at the door. There are many types of fighting and many types of fighters, and we must put all to the test. Each contribution from each and every comrade should be valued and noted. Some of the best tools of self-defense are the bonds of solidarity built among loving comrades through shared struggle.

The domination of revisionism and its most common rightist manifestation has produced a cultural fog among the left, one that eschews gun training and ownership, leading to a situation where only the right takes up and wields these tools. This is a product both of the subjective weakness and backwardness of revisionism and of the material conditions in the US, where gun rights (like all of the constitution) are subjective and unevenly applied in favor of white supremacy. While these rights are constitutionally protected, black people with completely legal guns are often shot by the police, while armed white men can take over federal nature preserves without a charge or a scratch. This is not exclusively a matter of privilege, either: it goes deeper than that.

Guns should and must be acquired for the purpose of personal and collective self-defense. This must not even for a moment be mistaken for a revolutionary strategy, which would fall into ultra-left adventurism. In a revolutionary situation, the legality of guns is inconsequential to the mass base. The masses armed with nothing but rocks can themselves acquire firepower by using the enemy as their supply line, making the people the principal aspect of war. The context we are speaking in is not a revolutionary situation in the current moment but the urgent need to defend ourselves and our movement from anyone who would seek our deaths. The need to establish a mass base is as crucial as ever, and it necessarily requires defending our small gains and staying alive long enough to continue our organizing efforts—this requires self-defense.

Power bows only before power, and without power all is illusion. The system fears nothing but guns, for that is where all political power emerges. The sooner we on the left familiarize ourselves with the gun, the longer we will be able to continue existing. So long as democratic rights exist, we can use them in most cases to legally arm, and we should make full use of this. Communists despise the boisterous posturing of the fascists. We prefer to be modest, artful, and clever. We do not pose with firearms on the internet or wave them around for street cred. The only use for a gun at this stage is to kill in order to defend our people from unwarranted attack.

In complete opposition to the communist outlook, fascist militarism places the gun in command of politics and not politics in command of the gun. We must vigorously oppose all such militarism without giving any ground at all to the suicidal ideation of pacifism, which is another vile relative of fascism. Pacifism is the cousin of fascism who, while not harming you directly, will make sure you are in a stupor unable to fight off the attacker. Pacifism as a political ideology places our non-consenting bodies against the bayonets of the enemy. In its claims to oppose violence it is the first wave of inevitable violence itself.

Contrary to the claim that having guns is objectively ultra-leftist, it is more common for ultra-leftism to come in the form of lack of guns while brazenly confronting those who have them and will use them against us. We must never witness another Greensboro Massacre, where five unarmed communists were murdered in broad daylight on camera by armed members of the KKK. In all scenarios the martyred comrades would have been correct to return fire and die fighting. We should maintain such an outlook and extend it to defending anyone on the left or among the masses who faces a direct violent threat from fascists, whether or not they are part of a united front.

7. Party-building and antifascism

Two antagonistic opposites cannot coexist: one must battle to overcome the other—this is a universal law. As one inevitably divides into two within the bourgeois camp, either bourgeois democracy or open terror will triumph. To deal with the ever-sharpening contradictions, we must prepare ourselves as the polar opposite of fascism. Communists must win in a protracted struggle against the growing fascist movement locally and on a countrywide level.

Communists are in a key position to win a leading role within antifascist struggles by relying on the masses themselves and providing consistent and sober guidance. We must not act from our desires but from a concrete analysis of concrete conditions while viewing phenomena in motion, always paying close attention to its contradictions and contradictory aspects. While structures and leaderless movements aim to jump from protest to protest or street fight to street fight with no central plan, communists must establish organized forms and mobilize on multiple fronts. Our tactics for each situation must conform to our overall longer-term strategy, and the two must not be confused or inverted.

All matters of importance to antifascist resistance should be democratically discussed and debated, and when a line is settled on it must be carried out by all without reservation. We must be diverse in our process but united firmly in action, marching together as many moving parts of one body. This work requires fast action from decisive leadership who will not balk in the face of danger, who must not succumb to fear of arrest or even death. Decisions must be carried out without hesitation and with enthusiasm. It is this organizational discipline that will save lives and give us a clear advantage over the responses from liberals, which can only be spontaneous at best.

Leaders must be elected and developed who can stand as coordinators between organizations who have come together for this struggle. These groups must share democratic and comradely bonds so that they can rely on each other with confidence and not act in an individualistic manner, which could compromise safety or objectives.

The only way to defeat fascism in the long run is with revolution. For revolution to take place, we must develop collectives and build cadres who can serve the people as a way of life and not as a pastime or a hobby. We must build the communist party. Party-building is the principal task of all revolutionary communists. It must not be sidelined in the interest of united front work—this would turn the united front into nothing but a mess of scattered parts. Historically, the biggest defeat for fascism came at the hands of the Soviet Union led by its communist party. The role of the vanguard party cannot be tossed aside in the antifascist struggle; no better form exists for crushing fascism, and all of our local efforts are for naught unless we utilize all sites of struggle in the interest of building such a party. This is being far-sighted and keeping politics in command. Through antifascist campaigns and working against fascism among the masses, we must build up and test the most advanced elements and bring them closer or into our party-building efforts.

We must set a course firmly to build bonds with others who are not even communists: we must fight against sectarianism and never see things one-sidedly or overemphasize one aspect of things. Sectarianism diminishes our ranks and treats friends like enemies. Anyone who is willing to work with communists against fascists should be treated like a comrade in the struggle. This outlook is in service to our cause and in service to our class. Likewise we must not give in to reconciliation with liberals or social-democrats; we must never even for a moment tail them or let their ideas gain hegemony, which would set us up for failure. It is only possible to oppose sectarianism if at the same time we oppose liquidation and capitulation. We must guard ourselves against the system, which in its repressive and ideological arenas will protect fascism: we must stand firmly against anyone who would defend a fascist in any way, whether ideologically, physically, or politically. We must draw firm lines of demarcation with bold action and increase the pressure until fascists have been beaten back.

8. Conclusion and the situation in Austin

“To die for the people is weightier than Mount Tai, but to work for the fascists and die for the exploiters and oppressors is lighter than a feather.”

– Mao Zedong

Austin is witnessing one struggle against fascism on three main fronts: the neighborhood front, the university front, and the judicial front. These three trenches of combat must be organized and step in unison. Each must support the other with actions and they must not be allowed to fracture into independent efforts.

On the neighborhood front, our comrades have been faced with an onslaught of fascist online attacks, by neo-Nazis, Trump supporters, and InfoWars fanatics. These scum have rushed to the defense of gentrification, understanding it correctly as the march of white power into the black and brown territory of the east side. The petty-bourgeois gentrifying business that is targeted by comrades has accepted the fascists’ money and has extended support and thanks to them. The fascists have been emboldened and have begun to organize in plain sight; they have increased the output of racist graffiti, targeting day labor centers on the southeast side. This front is the most crucial, and all efforts should be made to defend our neighborhoods from increasing fascist presence.

On the university front, our comrades have been leading an antifascist campaign against propaganda from Identity Evropa and other white supremacists and Nazis. An anti–affirmative action bake sale was targeted by antifascists (who disrupted the event and expropriated the baked goods) and 300 student protestors. When the university refused to remove white supremacist neo-Nazi graffiti for over 8 months (another example of UT’s deep-rooted racism), students removed the graffiti themselves and left a clear message to the administration. After these actions three non-student activists were arrested as scapegoats on felony vandalism charges. Comrades wasted no time in coming together to condemn this arrest, organizing a phone jam and a demonstration outside of the jail, and efforts begin immediately to raise money for the arrested comrades’ legal defense.

On the judicial front the UT ANTIFA 3 have a long fight ahead of them, which could take months if not longer. It is crucial that we see the court as a key trench of combat where we will cede no ground to fascism. The comrades must be victorious and have all charges dropped. Actions have already been planned on campus and in the streets to show solidarity with these comrades who took one for the people. We will accept no concession from the state, and anything other than complete exoneration would be a slap in the face. All three comrades are united in solidarity with each other and are not handling their case as individuals but as dedicated and disciplined communist fighters. We owe them no less than our complete respect and solidarity—not only have they stood up to the fascists in the ideological realm on campus but they are now standing up to it in the repressive realm of the courts.

These three fronts will only grow as things develop, and we will win. No fascist will be welcome or safe in our city, and we must surround and annihilate their organizational efforts.

We call on all comrades to come together to confront and shut down the “white lives matter” rally on Saturday Nov 19 at the State Capital 11 am. Come prepared and ready.

¡No Pasaran!

—Red Guards Austin, November 2016


Antifascists, mobilize!


We have seen an increased presence of activity from fascists this year. From the casual white-supremacist Trump supporter to neo-Nazi rallies where several antifascists have been stabbed and beaten. The fascists no doubt have been emboldened by the right-populist presidential campaign of Donald Trump, who has gained support due to the socioeconomic imperialist crisis the US has stumbled into. Fascists have been brazenly organizing rallies to assert their presence and gain traction among the white working class. It is our duty as antifascists to confront them and beat them back whenever they rear their ugly heads and attempt to impose their garbage ideology on the masses. This is why we must call upon our comrades and the masses for heightened antifascist work to be carried out through the end of the year.

Here in Austin

Austin is struggling against fascism on three main fronts: the neighborhood front, the university front, and the judicial front. These three trenches of combat must be organized and step in unison, each supporting the other with actions and not being allowed to fracture into independent efforts.

On the neighborhood front our comrades have been faced with an onslaught of fascist online attacks, by neo-Nazis, Trump supporters, and InfoWars fanatics. These scumbags have rushed to the defense of gentrification, understanding it correctly as the march of white power into the black and brown territory of the east side. The petty bourgeois gentrifying business that is targeted by comrades has both accepted the fascists’ money and extended support and thanks to them. The fascists have been emboldened and have begun to organize in plain sight; they have increased the output of racist graffiti targeting day labor centers on the southeast side. This front is the most crucial, and all efforts should be made to defend our neighborhoods from increasing fascist presence. White supremacists have called for a demonstration at the state capital on November 19, which must be frustrated, humiliated, and beaten back with the force of the people.

On the university front our comrades have been leading an antifascist campaign against propaganda from Identity Evropa, other white supremacists, and Nazis. An anti–affirmative action bake sale was targeted by antifascists (who disrupted the event and expropriated the baked goods) and 300 student protestors. When the university refused to remove white supremacist neo-Nazi graffiti for over 8 months (another example of UT’s deeply rooted racism), students removed the graffiti themselves and left a clear message to the administration that such filth will not be allowed to stand. After these actions three activists who are not students were arrested as scapegoats on felony vandalism charges. Comrades wasted no time in coming together to condemn this arrest by organizing a phone jam and a demonstration outside of the jail; efforts begin immediately to raise money for the arrested comrades’ legal defense.

On the judicial front the UT ANTIFA 3 have a long fight ahead of them that could take months if not longer; it is crucial that we see the court as a key trench of combat where we will cede no ground to fascism. The comrades must be victorious and have all charges dropped. Actions have already been planned on campus (November 17) and in the streets to show solidarity with these comrades who took one for the people. We will accept no concession from the state, and anything other than complete exoneration would be a slap in the face. All three comrades are united in solidarity with one another and are not handling their case as individuals but as dedicated and disciplined communist fighters. We owe them no less than our complete respect and solidarity—not only have they stood up to the fascists in the ideological realm on campus but are now standing up to it in the repressive realm of the courts.

We must take this antifascist work seriously and be far-sighted in our work. We call upon our comrades to become true partisans in the antifascist struggle and to send a clear message that fascists and their sympathizers are not welcome or safe in our streets or at our universities. Fascists wish to drag society back in time, but we will forever persevere forward to a future of true equality and internationalism. For the right-wing forces who wish to stand in our way, may they be crushed and their ideology stamped out by the might of the people.

This is an open call to all who will hear it: get involved! take action and get organized!

“It is up to us to organize the people. As for the reactionaries, it is up to us to organize the people to overthrow them. Everything reactionary is the same; if you do not hit it, it will not fall. This is also like sweeping the floor; as a rule, where the broom does not reach, the dust will not vanish of itself.”—Mao Zedong