Election Boycott Speech on the Occasion of the 69th Anniversary of the Chinese Revolution


On October 1st, a speech was given in Austin to promote the election boycott and commemorate the 69th anniversary of the Chinese Revolution led by Chairman Mao. Communists and revolutionaries assembled to release 69 floating lanterns adorned with revolutionary slogans and images of Chairman Mao.  Many among the masses showed interest in the event and the speech resonated with them, as the working class more and more comes to understand that bourgeois elections are a farce they become more and more accepting of the necessity of armed revolution and Protracted People’s War.


Mao Zedong said, “Revolutions and revolutionary wars are inevitable in class society, and without them, it is impossible to accomplish any leap in social development and to overthrow the reactionary ruling classes and therefore impossible for the people to win political power.” He would prove this 69 years ago today when the Communist Party of China under his great leadership would accomplish conquering state power and establishing the second socialist country in the world, uniting more than half of the world’s population under the red flag.

Capitalist counter-revolution and restoration would take place in both the Soviet Union then in China, leaving revisionism the dominant ideology in the so-called left, revisionism tails the ruling class, and dreams of coming to power through bourgeois elections. One of their chief services to counter-revolution is through promoting such shame elections. Let us then insist on the revolutionary road of Chairman Mao and the universal law of revolutionary violence!

The US elections are, and could not be anything else—mainly the tools of the imperialist ruling class, the old crooked order which desperately tries to maintain its crumbling grip on the throat of the world.  While it calls itself democratic and will deploy these diversionary elections, it maintains itself here and throughout the world on the basis of reactionary violence. Through its fascistic border patrol, its ICE raids and its black dreams of endless war. These are not things which can be discussed peacefully with simple solutions like voting for this or that imperialist.

More than 40% of those registered to vote chose not to in the 2016 US presidential elections. The less money a person survives on, the less likely they are to vote. This is because the masses of people in their millions are already well aware of the criminal nature of the ruling class elections.  The imperialists will not be voted out, whoever you vote for an imperialist wins. This is because the US elections are tools to dominate the people in the interests of imperialism and not tools to transform the system for the people. Professional con artists will spit their best game to drag the masses back into the trap of voting in elections so that the cycle of reactionary violence can continue unopposed.  It is up to you and to all of us to break this cycle, to finally begin exiting the abusive, manipulative relationship between the constituents and the politicians.  In Texas, there is only one type of bloodsucker more detested that the mosquito and it is the bourgeois politician—we are right to hate them!


So what does breaking this cycle of abuse and manipulation look like?  It looks like organizing in your communities, stepping outside of bourgeois structures of the old decaying state. It looks like building the Communist Party through direct confrontation with recognized class enemies. Mainly this means uniting under Maoism, establishing self-defense units which are in time converted into a mighty Red Army, encouraging the self-administration of the community under the protection of this army, forming a new state posed to make war on the old.

This great change does not happen overnight or all at once. It occurs through the course of organized class combat, class against class.  The necessity of revolution must be grasped and this matter can no longer be delayed by the clownery imperialist elections. Develop the combined strength of the proletariat, its allied classes, the Party and its Red Army.

On this great day, October first, we not only celebrate the anniversary of the great Chinese revolution, which lives on in our struggle, we announce the boycott of the US elections in solidarity with our comrades in the Revolutionary Communist Party of Canada who have assembled today in Montreal to combatively demonstrate against the Canadian elections. Maoism is leading the reconstruction of the Communist Parties throughout the world and we take up our post to implacably combat revisionism and imperialism, we will not be deterred, and in this struggle we will overcome all odds.

Boycott the Bourgeois Elections!

Elections, no! Revolution, yes! 

Salvo el poder todo es ilusión

asaltar los cielos con la fuerza del fusil

The ruling class will rule no more! Revolution, Peoples War!




International Solidarity on the Election Boycotts


Election Boycott Poster  in Austin, Texas

To celebrate our boycott of the 2018 bourgeois elections we wish to highlight some election boycotts taking place in other countries. We express our utmost solidarity with these struggles as internationalists. We seek to expose the imperialist nature of the US elections, US imperialism is the world’s main aggressor as the sole hegemonic imperialist power today. While it is experiencing deeper and more profound crisis its desperation to legitimize itself among its own people has never been more evident.

We extend our international solidarity to the youth of Brazil, we have included two unofficial translations of articles detailing their election boycott which is taking place right now. We also wish to extend revolutionary greetings and support to our comrades in Canada of the Revolutionary Communist Party (PCR-RCP.CA) who will be mobilizing the people for a combative demonstration against their own imperialist bourgeois elections on the streets of Montreal on October 1st.

The website unidadevermelha.com, which has produced evidence of solidarity with Comrade Dallas, has released two excellent articles which expose the nature of bourgeois elections. From the Favelas, the countryside, and the Universities, the voice of the Brazilian youth ring out in rebellion against the crimes of imperialism and the ruling class elections.

Long live the election boycotts!

Long live international solidarity!

Death to imperialism, reaction, and revisionism!


Down the Election Farce! Do not vote, FIGHT!


Elections no! Long live New Democratic Revolution! 

To the students and the youth of Brazil!

Companions and companions,

The 2018 elections will be the most fraudulent in the history of our country. On the other hand, this will be the year that the boycott of the elections will reach record numbers, being able to surpass more than 50% of the electorate of our country. The boycott of the elections expresses the spontaneous rejection of our people to this false democracy, to this rotten and corrupt political system, which every two years forces the Brazilians to vote. If the vote changed something for the better in this system, it would not be mandatory. We are obliged to vote to legitimize this secular system of exploitation and oppression and its old genocidal and rotten state to the core; give us the false right to choose who in the next four years will preside over repression and attacks on the interests of the people and the Brazilian nation.

But the Brazilian people have put an end to this rot. In the last decade, of election in election, the abstentions, the null and white votes grew. This is the most conscious participation in the electoral farce and that in recent years has ceased to be an individual revolt or an isolated protest before the polls to become a powerful mass movement of denial and rejection of the reactionary policy of this bourgeois-latifundia state, servant of imperialism. This uprising in recent years has exploded in great waves of popular rebellion, such as the workers ‘uprisings in the great works of the PAC in 2011, the gigantic demonstrations of youth combatants in 2013, and the spectacular truckers’ strike in 2018. Youth more than ever before, realize that only a Great Revolution can take our country out of misery and ruin!

And if in Brazil, elections have always been a democratic farce, where only the owners of power, that is, the great bankers, big bourgeois and landowners bless, this year the electoral farce is even more fraudulent. The arbitrary arrest of former President Luís Inácio and the illegal cassation of his candidacy reveal once again that in Brazil we never live in the so-called “democratic state of law.” Laws are valid according to the interests of the ruling classes. And that is why the same Luís Inácio, who in 2002 and 2006 was promoted by the interests of the international financial capital, the big bourgeoisie and the landowners to apply their economic policy and demobilize the masses with the conciliation of classes, compacting with a lie that serves only to give a democratic veneer to a dying state;

And it is this judiciary that defines who can and who cannot be candidate, the same that has carried out an endless series of attacks on the rights of our people. In August, the STF legalized the outsourcing of the end activity, this means that a private school can outsource the hiring of teachers! The bosses thus have no responsibility for the labor rights of their outsourced teachers. It was also the judiciary that authorized the Army to crack down on the just truckers’ strike and approved last week’s increase in its own wages!

We cannot trust any of those rotten powers! We must fight them all! Let us remember that the Law against Terrorism was a proposal of the manager Dilma Roussef, approved by the corrupt National Congress and that already is being applied by the judiciary against the popular fight. This is what is already being heard in the lawsuit against the 23 activists in Rio de Janeiro. This old state and its three powers want to turn every popular movement into a “criminal organization” and every manifestation of workers, peasants or students in acts of “terrorism.”

Candidates who stand for election are all flour from the same bag! They all swear to comply with the reactionary laws of the old state, and what they are disputing, in fact, is who will assume the function of managing the systemic crisis that affects our country, as part of the international crisis of the capitalist system.

Jair Bolsonaro says he is a nationalist, but has been a congressman for more than twenty years and has never defended Brazil’s interests. Bolsonaro is just another US bootleg patriot, has said he would sell Petrobras to the Yankees and is in favor of handing the Alcântara Military Base to the Americans, who want to take control of part of the national territory as part of its dominion on the continent. Fernando Haddad (PT) was the mayor of São Paulo in 2013, and what did he do at that time? Allied to the then governor Geraldo Alckmin, PSDB, to command the repression against the combatant youth. It was in Sao Paulo that the major demonstrations began that year, and we will never forget that Haddad not only favored the increase of the passages, but also publicly defended the repression. Ciro Gomes (PDT) is a member of one of the most powerful families in Ceará. In his youth he was a member of the party of the military regime (the former Arena), a minister of FHC and Lula. His speech is all aimed at the interests of the latifundio and the national proposals are only to appear left. Marina (Network) and Alckmin (PSDB), merge the liberal privatization speech with electoral demagogues such as family purse and gas purse. They are all: flour of the same bag!

Boulos (PSOL) and Vera Lúcia (PSTU) talk about popular struggle and rebellion, but when the youth survey of 2013 broke out, what did they do? They attacked the combativeness of the masses and sabotaged important demonstrations. We cannot forget that on the eve of the opening of the FIFA World Cup in 2014, Boulos, then at the MTST, and the São Paulo Subway Workers’ Union, then run by the PSTU, promised a major demonstration to prevent the game from taking place. The fighting youth of São Paulo appeared in weight; already Boulos, after a phone call of Dilma canceled the manifestation, exactly what also did the PSTU. Therefore, these do not represent the position of the left, they represent the sowers of illusion, who spread among the masses that through election and legalism some transformation of our country will be possible.

The true left, the really popular forces, know that no popular interest will be won by the electoral route. Only the struggle can guarantee us our rights, only an Unbroken Democratic Revolution to Socialism can truly transform Brazil. Neither these elections nor any of these candidates will defend anything for the people! On the other hand, the military who try to present themselves as the moral salvation for the country, quite the opposite, are the ones most responsible for the situation reached. The high command of the Armed Forces, especially of the army, is the great representative of imperialism in Brazil, these milicos are the greatest defenders of the latifúndio, of the great bourgeoisie and of the American empire. The military intervention in Rio de Janeiro is another demonstration of what they really serve, very blablablá on country, but in the hour that they act is to oppress the town and to assassinate poor people. Since its inception, the Brazilian Army has been brave to face the unarmed people and a cowardly and ferocious massacre of its own people to defend the rich in the name of the order imposed by imperialism. So it was in the war of Paraguay, at the behest of England; so it was in Canudos, at the behest of the landowners of the Northeast; and also in Contestado (boundary between Paraná and Santa Catarina) in 1912; thus it was against the rebel Movimiento Tenentista in 1922 and 1924, against the Column Prestes 1924-1926, against ANL-National Liberating Alliance in 1935; so it was in 1964, always at the behest of Yankee imperialism; and so it was in Araguaia, to cite the most expressive cases. The only progressive action that was involved was to enter World War II on the side of the Allies, yet as an Expeditionary Force under popular pressure and under the command of the US military. Military intervention is already underway in our country and will not solve any of our problems, on the contrary, it will aggravate all of them.

We Brazilians, the true democrats and patriots, must defend and support the realization of a Great Revolution in our country. Only through the revolutionary way will the peasants have land, the workers will have work and decent wages, only through the revolution will we have a scientific and democratic education at the service of the masses of our country. Only with a revolution can we expel the imperialists, especially the Yankees, who infiltrate Brazil and steal our mineral wealth and devastate our forests to plant soybeans for export. It is only with the revolution that we will be able to do real cleansing against all this rottenness in politics and put an end to violence against the people and an end to delinquency.

We urgently need this Revolution! A revolution that gives us a New State, a revolutionary people’s state that gives the people everything, everything they need. We need a proletarian state, without any privileges, to allocate all public resources for the progress of the people and the nation. A state free of such corrupt powers as there are, of mafia officers, corrupt deputies, and reactionary judges. We need a state that finances food production, which drives industrialization, which guarantees labor and wages for our people. And this, comrades and companions, is only possible for the Revolution.

And revolution is not an impossible task or a distant future! The secular struggle of the peasants for the land, of the workers for wages and rights, of the students by free public education, finally of the whole people for their liberation and of the nation of imperialist clutches, especially as more recent the revolts of 2011, 2013 and the strike of the truckers of 2018 point the way in which the Brazilian people are uniting around this revolutionary goal! Revolutions like these have already happened in other countries such as the Great October Socialist Revolution and the Great New Democracy Revolution in China. In these processes the bourgeoisie has restored its power and in these countries the insurgency of new revolutions is still necessary today. But these processes teach us: it is possible to change! It is urgent and necessary to transform,

You student, young without school, young unemployed! Come, join our movements and let’s make history together! Let’s change our country once and for all! Let’s defeat these powers, these military forces and all that is reactionary! Enter MEPR and UV-LJR! The people will win, no matter what! And the Brazilian youth will be more than ever: “The shock troops of the Revolution!”


brazil boycott2




Election is farce! Do not vote, fight! 
Organizing the people for the Revolution

brazil boycott 3

Red  Youth of Brazil! 

It is already unbearable the situation of oppression and exploitation in which the people live, amid serious attacks on rights won with much struggle, sweat and blood of the masses of workers. Particularly we youths, clustered in the peripheries of the great metropolitan regions, are subject to the genocide promoted by the repressive apparatus of the police forces of the old state, we suffer all kinds of police abuse and racism, while we have no right to study, to get around and have fun.

Against all this, our youth has risen. Especially since 2013, in which the youth combatants of the cities have placed themselves on the frontlines of the most radicalized protests, in the struggles for transportation, education and against all the dearth of life. Also in the countryside, where the young peasants stand in the front line in the struggle for land, for the destruction of the latifundia through the Agrarian Revolution, democratizing the ownership of the land, distributing it to the poor peasants without land or with little land, as a part of the new-democratic revolution.

And to prevent this uprising, the old state is preparing a counterrevolutionary military coup, whose first step was the military intervention in Rio de Janeiro, which promotes genocide and extermination in slums and poor neighborhoods. In other metropolis of the country, the police also increase the genocide of the poor and black people, especially the youth.

Elections are a scam! 

Every two years we are offered farce elections, whose sole purpose is to refer and legitimize this old order of exploitation and oppression, and worse still, blame the left and right on the people for all the ills and disasters that come of this rotten system, under the excuse that “they do not know how to vote”. But vote for who, pale face? And for what?

After all, who are the candidates who present us every two years, if not the most shameless representation of great bourgeois, landowners and imperialism? The same political oligarchies, the same groups for centuries. And what are your plans for government, but what, in the last instance, to apply the booklet of imperialism, under different colorations and mystifications? Now with demagogic speech supposedly of ‘left’, now with proto-fascist discourse! All the acronyms of the Single Party of the big bourgeoisie and the latifundio are right wing and all of them have already managed the old state at federal, state and municipal levels and what has changed? Bolsonaro, a delirious proto-fascist, ‘nationalist’ half-bowl and American bootlegger, Haddad a post of the opportunist mor Luiz Inácio, Ciro a truculent and fascist social colonel, Alckmin a lunch thief, Marina an eco-opportunist and eco-employee of Yankee bankers and NGOs … they are all flour of the same bag! For all of them, without a single exception (which would serve only to prove the rule), are committed to maintaining the state as it is: A poor grinding machine in the hands of the great bourgeois and landowners! All a soup of letters that shelter all surrenderers, sells homelands, servants of Yankee imperialism, great bourgeois and landowners.

What Brazil needs, in fact, is a Great Revolution! And for this, it is necessary not to deceive ourselves with the electoral farce, but rather to raise our awareness and political action, through the revolutionary organization, to fight against this rotten system of oppression and exploitation and to build a great destiny in which the people can decide their own future.

This is what the Red Unit – Revolutionary Youth League proposes. Boycott the elections to denounce it as a farce, but not only. Mainly, to organize the youth combatant for the Revolution, politicizing it and propagandizing the agrarian, anti-feudal and anti-imperialist Revolution as part of the revolution of new democracy and in an uninterrupted way the socialist revolution towards the luminous future of humanity, which is the communism.

Youth is the dawn of the new world and the future belongs to us! Therefore, we declare:

Do not vote, fight! 
Long live the fighting youth! 
Neither election nor military intervention! Revolution! 
Election is farce, does not change anything, no! Organize the people for the Revolution!


brazil boycott 4


In defence of the life of Chairman Gonzalo, hoist higher the flag of Maoism!


We repost this important statement from the International Communist Movement which appeared originally on the website Dem Volke Dienen:

Finally now, listen to this. As we see in the world, Maoism is marching unstoppably to lead the new wave of world proletarian revolution. Listen well and understand! Those who have ears, use them. Those who have understanding – and we all have it – use it! Enough of this nonsense. Enough of these obscurities! Let us understand that! What is unfolding in the world? What do we need? We need Maoism to be embodied, and it is being embodied, and by generating Communist Parties it shall drive and lead this new great wave of the world proletarian revolution that is coming. (Speech of Chairman Gonzalo, Sep. 1992)

We, the signing Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Parties and Organizations, reaffirm ourselves, in this solemn celebration of the 26th year of the historical and transcendental speech of Chairman Gonzalo, in its full validity and especially in defending the life of this Titan of Thought and Action, the Great Leader of the Communist Party of Peru and the Peruvian Revolution; who has defined Maoism as the new, third and superior stage of Marxism and who established, that to be a Marxist today is to be a Marxist-Leninist-Maoist, principally Maoist. We understand that the defence of Chairman Gonzalo implies to struggle in the most consequent way to impose Maoism as the sole command and guide of the New Great Wave of the Proletarian World Revolution, which is already developing. We understand that this struggle is part of the task to reunite the communists of the world, which implies to put the principles of Marxism, the class interests of the international proletariat, the struggle for liberation of the oppressed peoples and nations, and in the end, the struggle for Communism, in the first place.

The campaign for the celebration of the 200th anniversary of the birth of the great Karl Marx – that was preceded by the celebration of the 50th Anniversary of the Great Proletarian Culutral Revolution and the 100th Anniversary of the October Revolution – has marked a leap in the struggle to unite the communists in the world. It is a campaign, principally propelled by the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Parties and Organizations of Latin America, which is demonstrating a higher ideological, political and organizational unity of a significant part of the International Communist Movement (ICM) and in its development, new forces are joining. Since the campaign for the celebration of the 100th anniversary of the birth of Chairman Mao Tsetung, there was no similar campaign in the ICM. For no one to be confused: the campaigns to support the People’s Wars have obviously not been of the same character, as this is a campaign of Parties and Organizations with an explicit communist character – this fact calls for serious reflection, because it is an expression of how the struggle for unity is developed on practice, putting Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism, the struggle against revisionism and serving the world revolution as a starting point, in summary, how the slogan Unite under Maoism! Manifests.

It is also important to highlight, for everyone who is willing to see, that an important impulse in the ICM was given in the last years. In many countries where the communist forces were on a very underdeveloped stage, Parties and Organizations that uphold Marxism-Leninism-Maoism reemerged and who struggle to reconstitute their Communist Parties that were destroyed by revisionism. The majority of these forces took clear position for the definition of Maoism made by Chairman Gonzalo. This makes some people, aloof from any Marxist criteria, label them as “Gonzaloists” and impute the left to be “sectarian and dogmatic”. Apart from the obvious – that opportunism and revisionism have always branded Marxists this way – it reveals that they have not understood that we are in the period of struggle to impose Maoism as the sole command and guide of the Proletarian World Revolution and that when assuming Maoism as the third stage of development of the ideology of the international proletariat, many parties and organizations, in essence, have only seen it as changing one formulation, that to speak of Maoism was a “more modern” form to speak about Mao Tsetung Thought.

So the problem in the ICM is not principally rooted in that Maoism is not formally acknowledged, but how some understand it, and this is why it is important to start with who defined Maoism as the new, third and superior stage of our ideology; because it is only by starting from what was scientifically established by Chairman Gonzalo that we can understand Maoism as one unit, as one harmonic system. If one does not take the work of Chairman Gonzalo as a starting point, one falls into eclecticism, counterposing quotes but not understanding the ideas. If we understand this, we can understand the reason why there are not few Parties and Organizations that, while taking longer time, have become stuck and have not made leaps in their processes, while those who put the most effort into learning from Chairman Gonzalo are, in general, advancing principally in qualitative terms, but also in quantitative terms. We advice those who rush to give labels to open their eyes to the material truth instead of getting carried away by their imaginations.

If we see the real state of the struggle for the reunification of the communists in the world we can see that in many aspects we are much better off than we were during the best moments of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement (RIM), because although the RIM was correctly characterized by Chairman Gonzalo as a “step forward”, he also pointed out – with his proper precision – that “as long as it follows a just and correct ideological-political line” the RIM will be a step forward, and it was, and it served to unite the communists on the basis of the red line and this could be no other than the line of Chairman Gonzalo. That is to say, the principal in the evaluation of the RIM is to state that it served the Proletarian World Revolution – and particularly the struggle to reunite the communists, while it served the struggle to impose Maoism as its sole command and guide – that is to say, the struggle which was led by Chairman Gonzalo – and that it ceased to play a positive role when the revisionists of the “RCP” from United States – taking advantage of the problematic situation of the left due to the bend in the People’s War in Peru – turned to totally hegemonize it. We must never forget that the unity is to serve the revolution and it only serves it, if the interest of the proletariat is imposed. The unity of the communists today in the world can only be achieved on the basis of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism, or else it is not a unity of communists but a kind of “front” with revisionism and opportunism.

RIM was liquidated by revisionism’s handling of the two-line struggle. The maneuver of Avakian was, to state – as a starting point of his “criticism” of the second Right Opportunist Line, revisionist and capitulationist, in Peru – that supposedly “the author would not matter, only the line”, which precisely led to centering the debate on who “the author” was. Or did this miserable not know that the communists of the world would rise when their Great Leadership was questioned? This is how the two-line struggle was derailed. The Problem for the left in the ICM was the hard and complex situation in which the PCP entered after the arrest of Chairman Gonzalo.

Despite everything, the PCP continued fulfilling its role as the Red Fraction in the ICM and the People’s War continued to be beacon and guide of PWR. Because the life of the party can never be detained and the People’s War was not stopped for even a moment. However, situations like the lack of the Great Leader caused problems in the left. The right could then state their positions (the attacks on the dictatorship of the proletariat, the “justification of peace negotiations as tactics”, the negation of semifeudality and evolution of bureaucratic capitalism, the negation of the three characteristics of imperialism, etc.) and all this remained in second place because the attention was centered on “debating” the maneuvers of the psychological warfare of imperialism and the sinister actions of traitors. Around the turning of the century, the struggle was sharpened. Then the left went into trouble and a great part fell into Avakian’s trap, the initiative fell into the hands of the right and they could lead the two-line struggle into exploding and thus revisionism liquidated the RIM.

No one can blame the Marxists for revisionism’s crimes, but this self-critical evaluation of the left is indeed necessary, its leadership lacked the necessary maturity and foresight to prevent the intrigues of revisionism, a problem that was extremely worsened by infiltration and usurpation of whole apparatuses by secret services and police of the reaction.

Prachanda has even formally renegated Marxism-Leninism-Maoism while uniting with the revisionists of UML, proving once again that he never was a Maoist, that he was never the “great leader” that those who wanted to negate what was put forward by Chairman Gonzalo and the PCP claimed so much, unmasking himself before the world as the most miserable upstart, trafficker and intriguer that has been seen in the last few decades in the ICM. This miserable can not be qualified as a traitor anymore because he has shown that in his whole life he was never a communist, but the only thing he was interested in was his personal power and this is why they have no choice but to call executioners of Nepalese revolution, such as the rats of UML, “comrades”.

Years have already passed since the gallant Avakian catapulted himself out of the ranks of the ICM.  His “new synthesis” is a rupture with Marxism, is an absolute demarcation with the ideology of the international proletariat, is an open and shameless negation of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. Avakian, just like Alexander, proclaimed himself god, the difference is that the latter did so to maintain his empire and to control his new forces, while the former did it to maintain his small degenerated court and to be able to continue vegetating in the mud.

Although the revisionist positions of both – principally the one of Avakian, for being the head of the right – are still repercussing and the struggle against them can not be declared finished, due to the fact that both fled from the internal struggle in the ICM they can not be taken as the center of the two-line struggle. To state that the center of the struggle is to criticize those two miserables is to put forward the conciliation with revisionism and is to leave the empty field to the right.

The principal problem is not with those who have gone away, the renegades, but the ones that are part of the ICM. Yes, their poisonous line must be dismantled and crushed, but that must be done particularly to further unite on the base of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism, with the contributions of universal validity of Chairman Gonzalo and this implies to debate the central points and particularly to achieve a generalized understanding of Maoism as a unit.

There are those that until now insist on spreading the counterrevolutionary hoax (that Chairman Gonzalo is the head of the opportunist, revisionist and capitulationist right opportunist line,).They argue with what was stated by traitors (“he told me” or “he embraced me” and other gossip), with what is controlled by imperialism and the psychological warfare of the reaction (“courts” and “filtered” videos). Anything that comes from whoever wants to throw mud at Chairman Gonzalo supposedly has to be taken very seriously, has to be “analyzed” and has to break our heads to enter into a discussion “whether or not it is him”. They are wrong, because they do not understand that “the debate” has already been closed, the communists have already taken a position and the matter is settled: It was demonstrated that Chairman Gonzalo has not denied the Party Unity Base of the PCP for a moment. He is the Great Leader of the Party and the revolution, the greatest living Marxist-Leninist-Maoist on the face of earth, keeping on struggling to transform the concentration camp of Callao Navy Base into the most Shining Trench of Combat of the People’s War.  What corresponds is to defend his life with People’s War. 26 years have already passed in which Chairman Gonzalo could not directly communicate with the Party or the ICM; 26 years of absolute isolation, this is what it concretely is. That imperialism, the reaction and revisionism will continue to plot intrigues is clear, the contrary would be that they have changed their nature (a thesis of the disciples of the sacred Avakian, which is impossible), but we must not allow that these intrigues stop the advance of the communists.

To be clear: We communists reaffirm ourselves in the principle of criticism and self-criticism and the seriousness of a Party that, as Lenin taught us, is measured by its capability to assume self-criticism. This is why we do not close the door to anyone, except to those who stained their hands with the blood of the masses. Hence, if those who committed grave mistakes and errors really want to correct themselves they are very welcome; for this they have to demonstrate their condition as communists and close ranks with the left, understand that to be a Great Leader you have to move more than your “close and dear ones”, that a proletarian Great Leader is not a ridiculous big shot but someone who knows how to lead the transformation of the world.

On this occasion of celebrating a new anniversary of the Speech of Chairman Gonzalo, we particularly want to greet the comrades from the Communist Party of Peru who are advancing through firm steps in the general reorganization of the Party, that is already approaching the days of its culmination; a process that is made in the midst of the People’s War, proven one again with the recent forceful actions of the People’s Liberation Army that maintains the People’s Committees and Base Areas. We communists of the world acknowledge the extraordinary role of the PCP and no one can doubt that the culmination of the reorganization of this Party will mean a significant impulse for the Proletarian World Revolution and will be a decisive piece in the struggle for the reunification of the ICM.

We must understand that what Chairman Gonzalo said on September 24, 1992, is being fulfilled: Maoism is being embodied by the peoples of the world, is generating Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Communist Parties, is starting to lead the New Great Wave of the Proletarian World Revolution. What is up to us is to struggle for it to be further embodied, that the ongoing People’s Wars advance, that the People’s War is as soon as possible initiated in each country where there are Communist Parties, that the struggle for the reconstitution of the Parties in those countries were none of them exist gets propelled further, so that they become Parties to initiate the People’s War. Understanding Maoism as a unit, we will march with ever more clarity and firmness towards the reunification of the communists on world level, smashing imperialism, the reaction and revisionism, learning from Chairman Gonzalo.

Long live Chairman Gonzalo!
Unite under Maoism!
People’s War will inevitably win!



Communist Party of Ecuador – Red Sun

Communist Party of Brazil (Red Faction)

Peru People’s Movement (Reorganisation Committee)

Red Faction of the Communist Party of Chile

Maoist Organization for the Reconstitution of the Communist Party of Columbia

Nucleus for the Reconstitution of the Communist Party of Mexico

Committee Red Flag – FRG

Committees for the Founding of the (Maoist) Communist Party, Austria

US Red Guards

Serve the People – Communist League of Norway

Red Flag Collective (Finland)

Intersectional Imperialism


Intersectional Imperialism
And the US midterm elections

The 2018 US elections demonstrate the deepening crisis of US imperialism as well as the lengths it will go to in order to preserve itself. The decaying order of the old State, in its growing desperation, has to try on “new” masks in order to maintain the appearance of legitimacy. Politics that seem unusual can be a successful gambit on the part of the ruling class to draw more voters into its trap, a counterinsurgency mechanism it desperately needs. In such conditions the importance of election boycotts and agitation around the revolutionary politics of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism, cannot be understated.

In a recent article in the theoretical journal Struggle Sessions on the topic of social fascism, it was explained that in such moments of crisis the US imperialist class will reach out for things that stable capitalism in the US typically sees as too far from establishment politics. We aim to bring this home by analyzing the 2018 elections and the maneuvers of the two main bourgeois parties. For the Republican Party this means more open adherence to their proto-fascist ideas and a more aggressive pursuit of fascist policy. Their rhetoric is in some cases pulled straight from the “white genocide” fearmongering of the “alt-right” fascists, as they attempt to appeal to the white labor aristocracy and petty bourgeoisie, who constantly fear displacement. They attempt to frame basic economic issues—that is to say the effect that the crisis of imperialism is having internally in the world’s largest imperialist superpower—not as a problem of imperialism itself, but as an identity-based issue. They portray all problems as an example of power slipping from the old white boys’ club, and the Democratic Party is too happy to make use of this angle by propagating their own response in the form of intersectional imperialism.

Trump’s approval rating, even according to bourgeois estimates, is in the 30th percentile; however, this number is not established with any real social investigation among the majority of people, who are not registered to vote. Going among the masses would put the approval rating considerably lower. His approval is the highest is among white and wealthy demographics, and this forces the Republican Party to double down on its racist rhetoric in the conventional sense. It compels them to use what worked in the Trump campaign to attempt to appeal to the populist fascist sentiment among mainly white Christian men and to a lesser degree women from the same demographic. It compels them to keep up their “radical” “anti-establishment” façade. The rise of fascism in the US is becoming increasingly apparent. The ruling class is not fundamentally united regarding its method of rule; those most early to panic are the very same ones making fascist policy and fascist appeals to a growing organized fascist base among sections of the masses. This includes Trump’s public sympathies with the fascists of Charlottesville, the family separation policy, the use of ICE as SA troops, and the use of border patrol as its SS—deployed to terrorize and torment people near the US-Mexico border. This grim reality only feeds the desperate back into the arms of the Democratic Party, an organization that has never been anything but anti-people. In short, crisis has compelled the Republicans to increase their flirtation with fascism, largely to the benefit of their twins, the Democrats.

Diversity, for the imperialist class

The Democratic Party, having run a total caricature of an establishment candidate in the last presidential election, is also entrenching itself further into its position, with only slight modification. Their use of identity politics, whose goal was to make the identities of their candidates void out their politics, failed them in the presidential elections. The masses, fed up with the imperialist-imposed crisis, were looking for anything but an establishment candidate. And what did the Democrats do but bank on Hillary Clinton, the most establishment candidate they could find—and then highlight the fact that she is a woman! This somehow made her meaningfully different according to them. Throughout the 2016 presidential elections the Democratic Party highlighted Clinton’s gender as her major selling point over and over again, deaf to the fact that even those who do vote (a small minority of people) still found her nauseating, playing into to Trump’s fake “anti-establishment” campaigning.

The Democrats then switched to conspiracy-mongering more typical of the Republicans by incessantly howling about the specter of Russian interference. This switching of tactics is not uncommon for the ruling-class parties, as in essence they are alike, representing identical class interests. What the Democratic Party has adjusted is its tolerance for “anti-establishment” candidates. Unlike many who vote Democrat, the party itself is well aware that many who supported Sanders went to the Trump camp on this basis. The fascists and social democrats are but two sides of the same coin, and the imperialist bourgeoisie polish this coin in crisis. So we enter the period where the mainstream parties will increasingly flirt with their respective kinks: for the Republicans this is proto-fascism proper; for the Democrats it is proto–social democracy, otherwise known as social fascism. Both achieve a certain clearing of the way, a transitional period for fascism proper to make use of. Both are a harbinger of the most sickening future.

While doubling down on its diverse and colorful imperialism and at the same time flirting with aspects of social democracy and tolerating candidates they normally would not, the Democrats have presented voters with a buffet of candidates appealing to marginalized identity: they boast the first trans woman candidate for Senate, from Vermont; the first Muslim woman candidate, from Michigan; the first native woman, from New Mexico—it goes on and on, including candidates running not only on race and gender but on the basis of sexuality as well. As if changing the identities of individual administrators of the ruling class can at all alter class identity of Congress and the State.

The Democratic Party understands its long history of coopting legitimate people’s struggles and delegitimizing them. It believes that if US imperialism is to overcome its current crisis it must embrace diversity, identity politics, and postmodernism: it must become intersectional imperialism. They have done this in the military and applauded the Israeli publicity stunts that promote a gay and vegan version of their fascist settler agenda; as long as it’s vegan gays helping carry out genocide, they can still call it “progressive.” The idea that those murdered, imprisoned, and abused will somehow feel better if their jailer or killer is transgender/native/Muslim (etc.) is particularly hard to stomach as Democratic Party shills keep up what they have always been telling the people: this time it’s different. We heard the same thing when promised a Black, Democratic president—one who, once in power, bombed more countries and deported more people than his white Republican predecessor. Identity politics have been the con of the Democrats for quite some time; they are just improving the scam.

Improving the scam means accepting not only the fact that the youth, who they hope to tap into since the Republicans hope to tap into the elderly voters, have been steeped in identity politics, on both the right and slightly left of the right, but also the fact that younger voters proved willing to jump ship on transparently establishment candidates. The Democrats are forced to fake it and make concessions to the social democrats.

This is most remarkably exemplified in Ocasio-Cortez, who not only fits the criteria for a diverse imperialism, but also claims to be a “democratic socialist.” The Democratic Party offering space inside of itself to a Democratic Socialists of America caucus is further evidence of this despair-driven trend of ploys to recuperate votes for a totally bankrupt party. If the 2016 presidential elections did not forever stain and expose the total uselessness of the Democrats, nothing will. The result will likely be that the DSA will grow in the next five to ten years to contend with the Democrats, if the Democrats do not assimilate it into their ranks to better control it. This will result in a line struggle internal to all DSA branches. The majority, more right-wing than even the rest of the organization, is pushing for liquidation into the Democratic Party—but both sides are aiding in rehabbing the public image of the decaying old Democratic Party.

As the Republicans dust off Nazi-esque propaganda relics, which pose the “other” as shady criminal immigrants set to prey on “stable” white Americans, they have not in essence broken with the classic Nazi scapegoating of Jews. This time, it’s framed in terms of propaganda about “Hollywood” (a code word for Jews) controlling the government through elections. Of course, in capitalist society all major media is controlled by the ruling imperialist class or their compradors. This fearmongering about Hollywood Jews is not far off from the far-right conspiracy theories of “reptilian overlords” and a “Zionist Occupied Government”.

The Democrats on the other hand merely seek to whitewash imperialism’s crimes against the world in order to stabilize it so it can continue extracting superprofits from the most oppressed. This is one respect in which social democracy clearly serves imperialism’s purposes, helping it appeal to labor aristocrats and the lower petty bourgeoisie, who rely on these superprofits to maintain a certain mode of life as well as the worldview that comes with it.

By keeping up their “anti-establishment” disguise the Democrats have been able to turn an election that would normally be a lost cause into a close race between Robert Francis O’Rourke and Ted Cruz, two imperialist monsters. One is a white-bread gringo rich kid who assisted in the gentrification and displacement of barrios in El Paso and is a firm supporter of Israel’s militarized fascist borders; the other is a gusano Cuban American whose family has long been in service of US imperialism, going back to the days of the reactionary comprador Batista regime. Where the Democrats have attempted to brown-wash O’Rourke by popularizing the nickname “Beto,” which was bestowed upon him by a Latin American house servant, Cruz is a white man of Cuban ancestry—both are alike in their parties’ pandering to their respective identity-politicking con games.

Another word on identity politics and postmodernism

Identity politics and its parent, postmodernism, are bourgeois inventions and bourgeois devices that are in essence anti-Communism and objectively in the category of fascist social conditioning. Not only are these devices concretely used to divide various oppressed sections of the masses and turn worker against worker, but the CIA’s shady history with French philosophy shows that they are also consciously employed by imperialism because they offer imperialism a tangible benefit.

Sometimes identity politics and postmodernism are offered to the left, with the main purpose of replacing Marxism, which is a major threat to the ruling class. In other instances they are deployed to appeal to the right and are in this case deployed inversely, not to compete with Marxism, but to spread fears of “cultural Marxism.” The right conflate Marxism with the very ideas they espouse when utilizing postmodernism, in an effort to propagate a conception of power that sees it as diffused, in order to take the blame off the State. Once more, the Democrats oblige the Republicans with a shifting of the matter onto “cultural” problems that they claim can be solved culturally, in order to prevent concerted attacks against capitalism. The Republicans are happy to parrot their version of this narrative when blaming Black culture, foreign culture, and so on to spread jingoism and reactionary nationalism and capitalize on the fears of those who maintain a settler-colonial ideology and mode of life. The problems become spiritual problems and are no longer the result of exploitation by capitalism. The so-called left and the right unite on this platform, making their disagreements nothing more than a circus, a red herring. Democrat and Republican unity against the proletariat and the people of the Third World is uncompromised, the workers of the world being their greater enemy. When it comes to “spreading democracy” (bombing and plundering the oppressed nations), they might disagree on methods but are unified in their objectives.

All revolutionary politics are anti-imperialist, and it becomes crucial to understand that if any politics, even reformist politics, in an imperialist country are to be considered progressive, then the measure for progress can only be whether or not the politics are anti-imperialist. Feeding labor aristocratic workers the superprofits of imperialism more equitably is not “progressive”—it is reactionary. Highlighting identity to safeguard imperialism’s ability to subjugate and plunder the entire world is not “progressive”—it is reactionary. The major bourgeois parties are united to accomplish this, and just play to different identities to do it, dressing it up in different language. Postmodernism, having been spurred on by the CIA, has firmly entrenched itself in academia in the US, to the point where it is almost seen as “common sense.” One of the key maneuvers of postmodernism is its overemphasis on language. It centers performance and communication, so it is well adapted to making the form of the disagreement between Republican and Democrat principal over the essence of their agreements. This has been valuable in their shared interest in swindling the masses—or at least the minority of them who still actually vote.

Conclusion: Boycott the bourgeois elections and agitate for revolution!

While deepening imperialist crisis has caused the ruling class to panic and start its flirtations with fascism and social fascism, the number of voters steadily drops and the number of young people interested in  Marxism increases.

Real Marxism, which is today Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism, remains firm against identity politics and wages tireless struggles against it penetrating our ranks and our thinking. We challenge it in the mass movement and overcome it internally. This necessitates exposing it within the bourgeois electoral farce that has still pulled the wool over the eyes of the so-called left (in reality they stand right of center). MLM also means we combat both imperialism and revisionism implacably. The revisionists for the most part champion bourgeois elections, with the farthest-right revisionists demanding a “lesser of two evils” approach and the centrist revisionists arguing for third parties and so-called socialist candidates. All of them are seeking, in essence, a pacifist, peaceful transition to socialism: even if they claim to support armed struggle, they see it as a hopeless distant future and completely unrealistic. They are therefore content to agitate against revolution and in the interests of the State, fulfilling their historical task as counterinsurgents in the service of imperialism.

Communists on the other hand have declared that we too will fulfill our historic task: to overthrow the ruling class of this country as part of the proletarian world revolution, which has reached the stage of strategic offensive. We have fully committed to agitating for revolution, and against capitulation and liquidation into bourgeois class enemy organizations. This means demarcation, struggle, and war are our present and future conditions. For us revolution is a process in continuous stages. We build and build our violent act of overthrowing the ruling class, which means going against their popular agents in both left and right costumes. Our path has been charted by history, and we will win. Revolution is never a straight line, and there are many bends in the road, many setbacks, and all of them contain lessons that strengthen our understanding and application of revolutionary science—of Maoism. The capitulations in Nepal, “tactical peace talks,” the betrayal of the International Communist Movement by the Avakianite revisionists, and the struggles against right-opportunism have honed our revolutionary knowledge and skill.

In the face of bourgeois elections we only offer one thing: proletarian socialist revolution. This means turning the popular passive boycott already carried out by the majority of the masses into an active, politicized boycott that promotes armed struggle and Protracted People’s War as the only viable path to meaningful change in this country.

In the face of fractured, opportunist identity politics we offer proletarian unity, national liberation, and socialism. In the face of rising fascism and its twin, social fascism, we offer resistance, the path to equality. In the face of all bourgeois parties and organizations we offer the only organized expression of our class: the Communist Party, which we aim to reconstruct. Around it we intend to build a mighty Red Army and a United Front. Conditions for stepping outside of the sham of bourgeois politics have never been better; if today is characterized by the most bloody imperialist enemy, then it must be responded to with the staunchest Communist fighters. We only have to be willing to dare to struggle if we hope to win. They have elections to win; we have a world to win.

What do we have? Nothing!
What do we want? Everything!

Elections, no!
Revolution, yes!

 Protracted People’s War is the only strategy for conquering power for the proletariat!

 Power is the central question of our ideology!

 Long live Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism!

—Red Guards Austin, 2018


Boycott the Elections!

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Elections are backward and outdated


“Every few years the oppressed are authorized to decide which members of the oppressor class will represent and crush them in parliament!”

—Karl Marx

Imperialism is in a constant state of crisis. The so-called “democracy” is democracy only for the upper, elite classes—and it is anything but democratic for the working and poor of the country. Yet in their desperation to win people’s support for their dark campaigns of global plunder, the US ruling class always seek to legitimize themselves through elections. Many progressive people are tricked into chasing after the dream of casting the right votes for the right people and finally seeing big changes—this is the perfect mindset for stripping people of real and meaningful democracy, and the elite rely on finely honed methods to keep people thinking this way. By giving you nothing meaningful to vote for and then getting you to vote anyway, the system has you trapped. The way out of this trap is to stop playing the game and make opposing their sham elections a basic political principle: Boycott the elections and demand something better. Dare to fight for revolutionary change.


As the political crisis in the ruling elite deepens, their contradictions with the people become sharper

If the elections of 2016 taught us anything, it is that whoever you vote for, an enemy wins and the people always lose. This is because the very system that legitimizes voting delegitimizes the actual voices of the masses. It is not democracy to cast a vote when the rich tell you it’s time for a changing of the guards; democracy means fighting for basic rights and a better future. We must no longer let this fight be managed by the ruling class or their stuffed shirts in office. The more dysfunctional and abusive this system gets, the more organized we must become in our resistance to it.


We must come to see elections as tools of domination

Most people already know that elections are a way to trick the people, which is why the vast majority of working-class people do not participate in the electoral farce. Voter rates go down and anger with the system goes up. Interest in Marxism is seeing an increase. Nonetheless there are those who would claim to be Marxists who insist on dragging the masses backward, by registering them to vote. They peddle corrupt or hopeless candidates and exhaust themselves going nowhere. They see elections as tools of progress—exactly how the ruling class wants them to think. We on the other hand see the election for what it is—a tool to dominate us and keep us pacified, preventing us from starting to talk about real ways we can conquer power outside of the system’s rat-maze.

We understand that all states, regardless of which flavor of bureaucrat is in office, are dictatorships of one class over another and we are fed up with living under the dictatorship of the owning class. We know our power comes from the people themselves and that in order to gain and maintain power we must topple the current ruling class and replace it with a state run by the working class.

While the rich will go to any lengths to win elections, we maintain our principle of opposing them and their treachery, regardless of whether they are butchers from the Republican Party, con-artists from the Democratic Party, or vultures just waiting for scraps representing one of the “socialist” third parties.


Boycotts develop the people’s hatred for the system!

The fact that most people do not vote, including half the people who register to vote but end up not voting, is a good thing. These are people who are just too honest for the lies peddled as democracy in this country. This is a sign that people are sick to death of the way things are and have come to hate the system for what it is.

By turning an already-existing passive boycott into an active political stand, one that you promote, you help encourage revolutionary action in place of voting. By boycotting the sham elections we offer others an honest political position that does not whore itself out to the “lesser of two evils.” We build together on the anger and distrust we are already feeling for good reason—we clearly identify our friends and our enemies and begin preparing for the long road of revolution. Dignity means not having to treat our friends as enemies (by voting for people who will harm our friends) and not having to suffer our enemies as friends (by not having to vote for scum).

Elections seek to process the people’s struggles into useless consumer goods devoid of heart and soul. The ruling class receives help luring people this trap by all those who are privileged enough to think they can sit at the same table as the oppressor without dining on so many corpses of poor people and black and brown people.


Instead of voting, act!

There are many ways to reclaim the dignity that voting has taken: attend community events, get organized into revolutionary mass organizations, and fight back every time fascists and racists gather to march. Take up the boycott by expressing your outrage in the streets and on the walls of your neighborhood. All of the above activities have more dignity than the humiliation of participating in the system that exploits us. Most importantly, speak up about why voting is not only pointless, but also backward and outdated. Educate your community! Do not let the electoral cretins portray you as apathetic or lazy—expose them as manipulative enemies of the people!


Voting gives imperialism a pass

While most progressives already recognize the open reactionary nature of the Republican Party, there are still those phony progressives who rely on the long history of the Democratic Party’s cooption of left-leaning and progressive movements to insist that it is the lesser of two evils. Every election season, local and national, these people serve as agents for the bourgeoisie. They will tell you to vote Sanders, vote “Beto,” etc., etc. Every season they use their activist credentials and social contacts to become shills for some Democrat or another.

When people rightly insist to them that Sanders, or Robert Francis O’Rourke (this is “Beto’s” actual name) are imperialists themselves who shamelessly back Israel and US military butchery around the world, the phony progressive will just keep repeating that everyone does this, because that’s just part of the way the system is rigged. They have no shame in simultaneously admitting that the system is rigged, while still preaching support for it, via voting for it!—as if supporting the genocide of the Palestinian people somehow allows someone to be the lesser of any evil. They can be concerned only with minor perceived benefits to the upper strata of workers in their own imperialist country.

These “progressives” make excuses and justifications for imperialism, sinking themselves into reactionary nationalism at the expense of the world’s majority. They do this work for free because they are still ideologically aligned with the owning class. They socially and materially benefit because of their own class position within imperialism itself. These types must be politically confronted in the interest of upholding a genuine anti-imperialist line.

According to pigs like O’Rourke, “Israel is critically important to the United States. Because it is the home of the Jewish people, because it is an exemplary democracy that shares our values, and because it is a crucial contributor to our national security objectives in the region, the U.S. should do everything we can to support the state of Israel.”

Israel, far from being an exemplary democracy, is a settler-colonial, fascist, apartheid state, which since 1967 has imprisoned approximately 40 percent of the remaining Palestinian male population. When he says they share “our values,” O’Rourke simply means they uphold the values of the US imperialist ruling class, not the values of the average working person. When he says they are a crucial contributor to “our national security objectives in the region,” the objectives he’s talking about are the geopolitical interests of the US imperialist ruling class, who desperately maintain puppet governments, wage endless wars of plunder, and prop up fascist apartheid occupations like Israel as part of their strategy in their inter-imperialist struggles with Russia.

While many of the “anti-war” types will hail the “progress” of candidates like O’Rourke, their bullshit detectors turn off when it comes to a man who cannot tell the difference between a fascist occupation and an exemplary democracy! Their only argument comes down to “We do not want Cruz to win, to hell with the Palestinians!” This attitude is what has allowed the Democrats and Republicans alike to assimilate into one another, bringing all mainstream politics further and further to the right at the expense of the whole world, including the US working class.

The only sensible thing to do when you have two candidates pushing defense for a fascist state is to remain an antifascist, never compromising on this principle, never supporting those who collaborate with Israeli fascism.


What about the social democrats?

All states, without exception, are instruments of class rule—that is to say they are dictatorships of one class over another. Without revolution and the destruction of the old state, we will remain under a dictatorship of the owning class, through finance capital, condemning the working class to servitude and plundering the world for super profits. Any promises of working-class empowerment under this system are blatant lies. They are a toxic pill sold to sections of our class so that they will hesitate to support any revolutionary program. In reality, these promises are part of a well-oiled counter-insurgency machine in which social democrats, “democratic socialists,” and whatever other silly formula they claim are all key players. As we are bombarded by the spamming and online “activism” of social democrats this fall telling us to endorse this or that capitalist politician, we would do well to remember the history of phony socialists winning elections in other countries.

Many so-called leftists won’t shut up about Salvador Allende the former Chilean president and treat him as if he was somehow not the head of a big semi-feudal state, which was in the interests of the big landlord class. He could not be anything else but a servant of the reactionary capitalists and big landlords, no matter what he said or desired to accomplish. Even those who view him through rose-tinted glasses must surely admit that the reason he was quickly overthrown was that his plan for coming to “power” lacked any actual way to defeat the old state. By virtue of him being “the lesser of two evils,” the other evil, with the backing of US imperialism, initiated a coup that led to the mass persecution of all progressives and intellectuals as well as actual revolutionary Communists. This is what happens if you try to “work within the system”: the fascist generals you appoint will bombard and overthrow you in due time—that is, if you do not capitulate as much as the right demands.

In the US, the social democrats still peddle hopeless candidates who stand little chance of winning, and when they do get elected all they do is take up a post in the old, decaying state, helping repress the people.


Elections, NO! Revolution, YES!

The cynicism and lack of faith in the masses are displayed naked in the bourgeois elections of the US—the largest and most oppressive imperialist power in the world today. As working-class people and people who face specific oppressions at the hands of US imperialism, who are caged as its “citizens,” we can no longer stomach the farce presented to us as “electoral options.” We have all taken the firm position of the boycott of the bourgeois elections, and in doing so we have taken up the task of making revolution against them.

Rebellion against the ruling class cannot be contained on a ballot. It cannot be diverted there, and it is time to fight the whole process that leads people away from revolutionary action. All the bourgeois parties and all of their supporters agree to carry out the rule of the big capitalist class; you must not agree to be ruled any longer by participating in their farce! We must remind ourselves daily to be revolutionaries, to carry out our task of revolting against bourgeois elections! To do this we of course refuse to vote, but we go further than that: we expose the very nature of these elections as a tool against the people. To make this meaningful we do not stop at exposure of the class enemy: we fight daily and organize for revolution—we admit the fundamental truth that political power grows from the barrel of the gun.

Revolution, and armed struggle, do not happen all at once, but instead build over time. By accomplishing small and modest acts of meaningful resistance, revolutionaries improve their ability to fight and enhance their levels of resistance. As more and more people see through the sham of the elections, more and more people will turn their non-participation in the elections into active resistance against the elections, and these people will come to support revolution. We must dare to think beyond the narrow confines of bourgeois “democracy,” which as stated is democratic only for the rich. We must dare to accomplish revolutionary action with increased escalation against the enemies of the people.






—Red Guards Austin, September 2018



Commentary on the one-year summation of the Austin Socialist Collective


We will build our Party, Peoples Army, and United Front

A whole year of nothing

 After our recent article analyzing the failed attempt at deplatforming right-wingers led by Austin Socialist Collective on August 18, 2018, we have decided to publish our political response to ASC’s semi-private one-year summation, which we received in March of this year; our original polemic was written in April and May. Until now this analysis has remained an internal document. We have updated it to conform to post-writing developments.

We were motivated to publically publish this document by ASC’s involvement in the counter-demonstration against the right-wing march on August 18. Not only did they not accomplish their goals, but they also failed to in any way advance the class consciousness of the people attending the counter-demonstration, in effect failing to politicize antifascism adequately.

“Towards the end of 2017 Austin Socialist Collective (ASC) found itself on the brink of dissolution. Recognizing the need for our continued work, committed members began a process of self-examination, and now self-criticism and rectification. We have written this summation in order to help identify our errors—as well as our successes—so that others may learn from them and help to build a revolution that can end capitalism in our lifetimes.” (ASC summation, 2018)

The Austin Social(fasc)ist collective has produced a document titled “ASC Summation and Self-Criticism.” Ironically this document stands as a double attack against the local Maoist-led movement in Austin: On one hand it perpetuates their lies about the movement by doubling down on their errors. On the other hand it offers a deflection in the form of admitting to the very same errors we have pointed out numerous times in person and through polemics while pretending that their “genuine” efforts provided them a new way forward.

Due to the fact that this document was produced and shared in secret, it does not actually allow for rectification or seek to make amends with revolutionaries who have long criticized many of the points they hollowly self-criticize on now. In the end, it only continues to hold tight to the errors that make them irredeemably revisionist as an organization. Now they have shifted up and are trying to poach several fronts we operate on, trying to appear militant and even dressing like us at their actions. They have deleted old articles that call us “ultra-left adventurists” for promoting armed self-defense and physical confrontation against fascism. They insult the people by assuming they have a short memory, and are now trying to promote physical confrontation and armed self-defense (albeit from a revisionist perspective). While changing an incorrect position is a good thing, it is incorrect to refuse to seek unity with the revolutionaries who have struggled against your previous positions. This only shows that they are sectarian, and unwilling to self-criticize and unite with our correct political line. Instead they traffic in hollow phrases and wish to be perceived as a militant group when they are little more than reformists with an anti-Communist agenda.


A brief note on the national question

One of our most firm positions against ASC was their constitutional reformism, which wholesale liquidated the national question and ignored the settler-colonial history of the United States. We accused them of settler-socialism:

“In a document produced by ASC about “fascism,” they continually argue for the protection and preservation of bourgeois democracy, not arguing once for proletarian revolution. This alone is a huge problem that helps to earn them the slur of social fascist. To make it more obvious to anyone paying attention, ASC continually refers to the US as ‘our country’ and its government as ‘our government.’ This wording is not accidental or circumstantial: for a self-congratulating, mostly white, all-liberal organization, the US truly is their country. It was violently colonized for them. This same political line has led them down so many reformist paths that we lose count, but one instance that stands out is their short-lived campaign of trying to ‘re-write the Texas constitution,’ as if the masses themselves who overwhelmingly do not even participate in local elections have a burning desire for a reworded Texas Constitution. We have little to no interest in the content of our enemy’s constitution in occupied Aztlan. Our interest is firmly with the oppressed nations and their right to self-determination!”


“While they do not have public articles about the topic of self-determination and consciously avoid its mention, ASC members have often on the local level outright denied the existence of internal colonies. They have denied that Black people from the US constitute an oppressed nation at all. While they make no denial that Black people are specifically oppressed, they attribute this to liberal definitions of racism that do not account for oppressed nations. Their conception of “socialism” is one that leaves the settler-colonial project intact, enforcing an unaltered US border—making them the new wardens of the prison house..” (“Opportunism vs. Maoism,” a polemic against revisionist Christopher Winston)

ASC of course have reversed their stance on this matter, but for years as we put our criticism forward (even when we enjoyed positive relations with them when they were still Socialist Alternative) they called us “sectarian” and “nationalists.” According to a more recent Facebook post from their official organ,

“As communists we oppose imperialism, racism, settler colonialism, and all forms of exploitation. We recognize the right of all nations to exercise self-determination, free from the influence or control of more powerful countries. But this raises a serious question: if we liberate the nations trapped under the US political and economic systems, if we cut off the source of its wealth and power by ending imperialism, if we undo its key principle of social organization in racism, if we make amends for the crimes of our settler past and decolonize the continent for real—returning control of these lands to the nations from which we stole them—what are we left with?”


“The full answer will only come by completing those tasks, but one thing is clear: we won’t have the United States any more. We must recognize that there is no just future in which the United States continues to exist, and everything that we can do to hasten the day when it disappears from the earth once and for all is a step forward towards true freedom.” (“There will never be a socialist USA,” ASC Facebook note)

Good—they have changed their former white-supremacist position! Good—they no longer see the US as “their country.” We only wish to reiterate that our struggle against the line they once held was in the overall interests of the proletariat and the oppressed nations of the US prisonhouse of nations, and that it was not “sectarian.”


The history of ASC

We once spoke of the Austin branch of Socialist Alternative as a left pole within the countrywide organization. We sought to encourage this trend and bring people we believed were potential comrades further left. This was an error on our part that led to brief coordination with them and the forming of left-wing blocs within large demonstrations locally. But of course the severe ideological, political, and practical issues of being friendly with revisionists eventually made itself felt. At every opportunity ASC acted as opportunists, liberals, and worse.

According to their summation:

“The organization also took a great deal of interest in connecting our work to the historic roots of Texas politics, namely the Reconstruction experience. This position was elaborated in a document called “Fighting for Our Jubilee” and the ideas were presented in a public meeting two months after the Regional Conference called “Building Power for Texas Workers: Socialism for the South.” Note that the study took no account of Texas’ settler colonialist character or the legacy of Native genocide and ethnic cleansing in the state.” (ASC summation, 2018)

By “connecting our work to the historic roots of Texas politics” they mean that they created a totally reformist campaign that accomplished nothing in its attempts to oppose the Texas Constitution. They could not (and still cannot) look past bourgeois politics and grasp proletarian politics. In their summation they reluctantly admit that none of this activity considered settler-colonialism or indigenous genocide, making their historical roots those of their ancestors—settlers. This white chauvinism was a key point that we have focused on in our past polemics, because it reflects both the membership and the ideology of ASC. Their reluctant confession is unaccompanied by any attempt at rectification or true self-criticism for the political lines that gave birth to this ignorance. We expect ASC to keep ignoring our criticisms, pretending they are inaccurate or “sectarian,” only to reluctantly admit the truth later as if they just figured it out on their own—in vain and feeble attempts to save face—all while making no fundamental changes to their political line. This is the common thread throughout their whole document.

While the Maoist movement was blooming, ASC whined about the difficulty they had getting anyone to seriously study. Their leadership has failed to offer political education—this is not for nothing—it is due to their eclecticism and failure to be serious revolutionaries. They admit to that very eclecticism and opportunism when they state that “as the basic study program broke down each branch took up whatever study they wished.” After all, social democrats are known for their severe lack of discipline and lack of centralism, which breeds this eclectic approach to the study of theory.

Without having bothered to seek ideological consolidation in favor of allowing for a continued eclecticism, ASC would go on to tail everything from the SEIU to local NGO’s and bourgeois activist organizations, all while slandering Maoists as sectarian for not marching lock-step with them into the bog.

They claim one of their picket actions “occupied a store and forced a police response.” We admit that this sounds very nice coming from them. However, this event was located in the proletarian neighborhood and some of our supporters and our masses were there and testify to the fact that all ASC did was stand in the restaurant and leave the premises the minute the police arrived. This is no more an occupation than going through a drive-through and not ordering anything. No citations were given, no attempts were made to actually hold the space (a prerequisite for an action becoming an occupation)—they just went in for a few minutes and then left without incident. ASC has never in all of their existence stood up to the police or disobeyed police orders. This distortion might fool their friends on the internet, but it does not fool us or the people of the 41! ASC to this day embellishes every activity and lies to their internet and local audiences.

Ideological disparity and imbalance of power in the hands of bad leadership are things ASC admits to, yet these errors continue. They also still lack a long-term strategy: they never explicitly state whether they support the strategy of People’s War specifically or even armed struggle generally. What they have accomplished is the formation of a little tailist club that should not be seen as a collective. ASC claims they organized May Day of 2017 with “labor and left liberal organizations.” This is a nice way to state that they tried to create a pole by collaborating with local politicians, NGOs, Trotskyites, and other revisionists. This established White May Day in an effort to pull forces away from the already-established Red May Day events of previous years. At the time of this writing we have seen no evidence that White May Day managed to survive into the next year in spite of their claims that it was a success. Red May Day however continued with its fourth consecutive year.

ASC still claims that the fascists who targeted the antifascist march on May 1, 2017, “found our demonstration too large to take on.” There is evidence presented in our past polemic, “Developmental Fascism and Its Modern Twin”, that proves that the fascists had specifically set out looking to target the Maoists, and that it was never part of the plan to go harass people just hanging out on the lawn of the capitol. ASC fails to grasp their part both in seeking to create a pole on May 1 and in trying to capitalize on what they mistakenly viewed as a fascist triumph. Their opportunism intact, they will speak out of both sides of their mouths to whoever might entertain them.

Carrying on from May Day, ASC continued tailing SEIU and local city council member Greg Casar. While ASC admits to the error of tailing NGOs, yellow unions, and bourgeois city politics, this confession is hollow. It was none other than this same persistent determination to be rightists that gave birth to the sharp contradictions between them and the Maoist movement. Their rightist approach of playing nice with the city has diverted any potential for them to be something other than class enemies—class enemies who, in the name of “non-tendency” organizing, seek to force class collaboration under the guise of socialism—earning them the title of social fascists.

We could not hope for a greater testimony of ASC’s rightist approach to organizing than what comes out of their own mouths: “It soon became clear to other members that much of ASC’s work was shared by and being made redundant by DSA, and that DSA was doing it with more members and greater resources.”, proving conclusively that all their work up to this point was nothing but reformist electioneering and bourgeois politicking. Clearly a two-line struggle developed in ASC leadership as to how much to tail and whether to liquidate or maintain the lie that they are a Communist organization.

ASC claims to be to the left of DSA and to the right of Maoists. They foolishly see this centrism as the correct course when in reality the differences between them and the DSA are minute and a matter of public image and personality of leadership—in essence they are alike. They maintain the view that RGA and anyone else to their left are reckless adventurists—yet we have bloomed while they wilted, we have steadily grown and expanded our efforts with greater national unity, while they have “found [themselves] on the brink of dissolution…”

Their position is that anything that accrues political repression is adventurist. Our position remains that repression breeds resistance and that that rebellion will always be repressed by the bourgeoisie, because unlike ASC we combat the bourgeoisie and do not collaborate with them or bow down to their decrees. We resist arrest while they avoid ever doing anything that could get them arrested. They call us “ultra-leftists” while trying to become a revised version of our organization. Instead of seeking unity on agreed-upon political bases through struggle they only call us “sectarian” for criticizing them.


Never apologize for class combat! 

Eclecticism leads to lack of strategy, poor discipline, and class collaboration

While their summation was being quietly released ASC began the process of once again rebranding themselves, putting on a new coat of red paint over their hard white exterior (now politically reflected in their use of black masks during their attempts to imitate us). This should not fool anyone and should be seen as opportunistically trying to tail the work the Maoists have long been entrenched in.

It becomes clear that ASC had no idea whether they were seeking to form a party and if so what type of party they wished to form. This is a basic question that an organization should already have figured out—it is the reason for such an organization’s existence. ASC tried and failed numerous times to deter others from supporting the Maoist Party-building effort in Austin. They used red-baiting and anti-Communism in these gambits when it suited the sensibilities of the bourgeoisie who hold the other end of their leash. They claim to not have figured out whether their “party” would be local or countrywide. A basic understanding of Marxism however makes it clear that a local “party” that doesn’t exist outside of the Austin area is not a Party! They are not capable of making revolution, and making revolution has never been on ASC’s agenda.

By acknowledging this disorientated “leadership,” ASC hopes to justify what they have always been denounced for—being narrow ecomomists. Books and articles produced by Lenin on this topic over 100 years ago already cut the Mensheviks from the Bolsheviks, but ASC demand that this be reenacted in Austin, with them playing the part of Martov (prominent Menshevik leader) and his clique.

ASC complains of burnout, yet it is their ideology and politics that burn people out, exactly like those of their counterparts in conventional activist circles who have constructed nothing but a revolving door that demoralizes and or corrupts newcomers. ASC is firmly part of this tradition in Austin, and even with all their redecoration this has not changed. If ASC has genuinely self-criticized on the various points we have attacked them for, and they wish to embrace militant proletarian organizing, then they must also address their eclectic rejections of Maoism, their embrace of revisionism, and so on; and they must cease hostility and come to the table for political and ideological struggle to find common ground with Maoists if they ever hope for support or cooperation. The reality is they are a counterrevolutionary clique led by an ego-driven professional NGO con-artist who wishes to replace the Maoist movement with one that is more favorable to the bourgeoisie.


The confused and opportunist relationship between ASC and FF15

According to ASC FF15 was the only trench that they took up, and FF15 was in the exclusive control of one member and his supporters. We do not deny this, and think it comes close to honesty; however, ASC seeks to shovel all its refuse onto one of its former leaders now that he has left the group. Back when this leader was being exposed as a revisionist in part by us, ASC circled the wagons to protect him, rejecting any and all criticism. But now it is convenient for them to pass their shortcomings off on him even though the remaining leaders are also professional administers of poverty in the pocket of ruling-class NGOs. The current and former leaders are all cut from the same cloth and all developed from a long history of capitulation.

“In Texas (or any other state in the south), a minimum wage/labor campaign faces unfriendly legislatures and courts,” laments ASC. In the real world all revolutionary labor organizing—organizing that falls outside ASC’s narrow scope of reformism—faces unfriendly legislatures and courts. The legislation and judicial systems are both part of the State, and the State is a dictatorship of one class to suppress another (a fact ASC avoids in their resistance to accepting MLM). ASC is still operating under the notion of compromise instead of revolutionary principles. We Communists know that it is right to rebel. We will always face unfriendly class enemies, because the moment we extend our demands past narrow economist ones, our actions become unacceptable to the bourgeoisie. We stand firmly behind the construction of the vanguard Party; we stand for developing and leading a United Front and for the building of a Red Army to protect these accomplishments.

ASC buckles despite facing no repression, and they have never considered building a revolutionary organization. In practical terms they stand opposed to all revolutionary organizations in the area by continuing to seek to create a pole and defame us as adventurists. Adventurism (to exhaust the point) is when organizations launch premature armed struggle or engage in actions that go far ahead of the masses. This scare term is often deployed against Maoists by ASC, while the Maoist movement focuses itself on “base building” (mass work), cadre development, internationalism, and the Party-building effort. No one has yet suggested that we launch armed struggle without the existence of the Party, United Front, and Red Army. ASC sees anything at all confrontational or militant as “adventurist” because they cannot see reality past their own stubborn and persistent rightism.

When we accused ASC of having a revisionist leadership that dominated their “mass work” and led them all to tail the SEIU, we were called out-of-touch adventurists. We are still called out-of-touch adventurists even now that reality has slapped them across the face and they try to shovel their excrement onto former members. This is neither self-criticism nor rectification. Their current leading personalities are Trots and lobbyists who are not substantially different from the former leadership. If anything they have proven themselves to be even less committed to the people and revolution. The old leader has moved to the DSA, and what is left is half as competent—which is a remarkable feat in incompetency.


Lack of direct action

ASC boasts, “We have demonstrated a real ability to mobilize people to demonstrations on short notice.” To evidence this they cite a demonstration “against US imperialism” that was in fact not against imperialism but against the war on Syria. We insist that there is a major difference between an anti-imperialist protest and an anti-war protest. At this demonstration ASC invited speakers from the Trotskyite International Socialist Organization, who for years have been faithful servants of US imperialism and have gone so far as to endorse the Free Syrian Army, who are nothing short of bandits engaged in a number of anti-people activities, who have been armed by US imperialism in its efforts to further destabilize Syria in the context of an inter-imperialist proxy war. ASC saw no contradiction in “mobilizing” these people to carry out the “direct action” of walking around in the crosswalks—failing to take the street—and other behavior acceptable to the city and its ruling class. Other mobilizations occurred in instances where they tailed either Maoists or NGOs. At no point have they looked past the number of people who came out to such questions as the quality of the crowd, how the numbers and energy interact, the ability and willingness of those mobilized to engage in open class struggle, and so on. At no point have they ever produced a single independent demonstration that did not include tailing other left groups or yellow unions. Their attempted mobilizations go up in smoke.

In the midst of their distortions, they admit that they have not trained or developed women fighters. They claim that this is due to “uneven development along gender lines” that “is symptomatic of a patriarchal society.” This is a clever way of refusing to acknowledge not only their own patriarchal views but also their failure to organize confrontations. All leaders, including women leaders, are developed in class struggle, through large and small confrontations with the class enemy, confrontations that ASC systematically avoids or pushes against. With this pattern of behavior intact, ASC will never develop militants, let alone women militants, as the Austin Maoist movement has done. For an organization which genuinely embraces proletarian feminism, and women’s right to revolutionary violence, cultivating women militants and women leaders is not difficult. Women as half or more of our class are angry and ready to be organized into the revolution, it is ASC’s politics and the men at the helm of these politics which repulses the participation of women.

“Generally speaking our experience with liberal demonstrations such as One Resistance and May Day efforts we took up conflicts with the visions we hold for independent communist organizing work.” (ASC summation, 2018)

In this convoluted point, they have now finally acknowledged that these events were liberal, yet when we formed an antifascist bloc to oppose the police-collaborating J20 One Resistance march, and when we maintained independent Communist organizing on May 1, 2017, we were “isolationist,” “sectarian,” “adventurist,” and “divisive.” They hailed both of these liberal actions as great successes at the time and attacked our movement for its critical response. They are opportunists to the core.

ASC admits that their One Resistance and May Day efforts failed to maintain independent Communist organizing; again, this is one of the many issues that bring them into contradiction with the Maoist movement, one of the issues that demarcate them from actual Communists. ASC has both admitted to and denied its role in One Resistance (which collaborated and cooperated with the police, even without a permit), depending on who they think can hear them and which member is talking about it.

Worse yet, they go on to lie that, while antifascist efforts are urgent, there is a “void in leadership.” The void that they’re observing is not of leadership in antifascist struggles—struggles that more often than not lack ASC’s presence and always (until last weekend, on August 18) lack their organizing. Their absence from this trench of combat has not dampened the growing and militant antifascist activity in Austin. We have reported elsewhere a string of victories supported by news articles and police reports and the mouths of fascists themselves—all of whom have been forced to reckon with the fact that antifascism in Austin is led by Maoists. ASC keeps their head in the sand. The void that they see is simply a lack of antifascism in their liberal bourgeois activist circles.


Only Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism can be our guide


Lack of leadership, lack of discipline, and lack of democratic centralism

ASC plans to rectify their lack of Communist organizing principles with the implementation of “adopting a cadre model.” Years ago our positions paper titled “Condemned to Win” already laid out the Communist method of organizing cadres. This document was attacked by ASC of course, and its publication pushed us closer to victory while they took the road to nowhere, which they are still traveling on. There is still no clear reason given for why they exist or what they aim to accomplish—it is as if they think adopting a “cadre model” will bail them out. Cadres are developed in class struggle and steeled by ideology. A conflicted and eclectic ideology that is opportunist at its core will never develop professional revolutionaries, and it will at best only temporarily sustain the true believers left in their clique before more of them join DSA or get jaded and drop out.

When they discuss the big if—“if we grow as an organization”—their conclusion is to form a phone tree! In 2018 no genuine revolutionary cadres rely on phones. We live in the age where wiretaps have developed into wholesale NSA monitoring of cell phones. It is laughable that they could call themselves cadres and have no plan at all to try to conceal any of their organizational dealings from the State. This all goes to show the correctness of our insistence that ASC is not and has no plans of becoming an organization of revolutionary Communists.

Communists must be highly disciplined and experienced in resisting police oppression and State monitoring. It is democratic centralism that allows for professional revolutionaries to carry out organizational work. Nothing is said of any intention on the part of ASC to develop and practice democratic centralism. They will go on with their phony democracy that creates phony leaders who have not earned a post in class struggle. To adopt democratic centralism and make cadres, ASC would have to actually break with their revisionism—their whole identity—which would include breaking with their history and name. Such a break with old ideas would mean ending the project and encouraging whoever is left to rectify by joining the revolutionary struggle led by the Maoists in their city. We will not hold our breath. Nonetheless, we encourage any genuine comrades roped into ASC or affiliated projects to rebel against the revisionist and opportunist leaders and compel them to resign or seek unity with the revolutionary movement, through real self-criticism and rectification.

Their path to nowhere

ASC claim to be insufficiently resistant to liberalism, but at their core they are liberals who have turned into social fascists. They are revisionists who have sunk down to the bottom to maintain their pathetic existence, which as it stands is spit in the face of workers and genuine Communists.

If they implement their new line of developing cadres, we can expect only a smaller but more committed clique of revisionist-opportunists who will not take firm positions against the ruling class. This has already been seen in their recent activity as they try to enter trenches of combat that Maoists lead such as antifascism, anti-gentrification, and so on. These struggles have been ignored for years by the clique that makes up ASC. Where we Maoists have succeeded is precisely where they have failed. When their desperation compels them to enter our trenches all they do is cower behind the same liberals they claim to have broken with. Their big plans include more petitions and collaboration with local petty-bourgeois community “activists” who collaborate with real-estate developers. Their student work consists of passing out doughnuts and surveys to community college students. More business as usual.

ASC’s formal and conventional approach is endemic to their work—right-opportunism of the type favored by their NGO counterparts. The history of their leading members—and what they still do professionally—is work in NGOs. They cannot risk losing social cred by breaking with these types to gain independence, let alone opposing them politically within these struggles by intervening on behalf of the people. They cannot take any action which could make the petty bourgeois activist dynasties take offense, which means they cannot do much in this city.

We call on all progressive forces and individuals who want to see a better world to stop collaborating with ASC. Do not organize with them or invite them to your events. This includes cohosting events. Your support will at best only give temporary life support to a dead organization. At every turn they will seek to sap your energies and divert your struggles into dead ends. Once they have accomplished their goals they will hop on to the next trending cause and never learn from their mistakes. Until ASC attempt to really change they should be seen as poison.

We call on our supporters to stamp out revisionism, to make Austin a bastion of red militancy, and to not give an inch to these class traitors who wish to poach class struggle and traffic in the masses. We applaud members of Defend Our Hoodz for confronting the lackluster and pathetic “anti-gentrification” meetings ASC tried to puppeteer. When we are not preoccupied with confronting open fascists, our struggles against ASC will only increase until they are converted or no longer exist. We are two aspects of a contradiction which cannot indefinitely co-exist, one must overcome the other.

It would not surprise us in the slightest if ASC begin in their desperation to go so far as to call themselves Maoists, or at the very least “Marxist-Leninists,” as they have been seeking out the revisionists in the US who claim to be Maoists for some time. They will do anything they can to disguise the true nature of their organization and to convince the masses that it somehow serves them. Left unity is a drug that must be kicked; it has left the project of revolution in this country ravished, and now is the time for ideological struggle and physical combat. Now is the time to stamp out revisionism and assert the values of Communism, the left must impose itself on the right.

We are not closed to the possibility of united front work, even with those who are stained by such a disgraceful history. But we will ensure that the left line overcomes the right, and that bad leadership is faced with struggle. We insist that fascism, imperialism, and revisionism must be combated concretely, implacably, and totally. We are not sectarian; we simply keep politics in command. If ASC truly wants to divert their course and support the militant left in Austin they must make the effort. If they wish to remain on the course of escalating conflict, so be it—we are prepared for this reality and willing to go further and harder in the interests of annihilating our enemies. Even with a desire for unity we are no fools, and do not stand for class collaboration or social peace.

Our actions have proven the validity of the slogan “fewer but better.” Our actions have proven that it is the Maoists who quickly mobilize a sizable core of disciplined fighters who can confront the enemy and shut down the streets. We will not settle for staying on the sidewalk or in the crosswalks and calling it a successful tactic. We are everywhere, and ASC will be swept away with the rest of the enormous stinking trash heap of revisionism. Baptize yourselves in the struggles of the people and you will arise anew!

Oppose the revisionist Black Guards!

Do not allow revisionists to get a foothold in your neighborhood school or workplace!

Get organized and join the revolutionary movement in Austin!

Revisionism is dead—long live Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism!

-Red Guards Austin, 2018

Below are pictures of the entirety of the ASC Summation for further reference:











Oppose the Counterfeit! Antifascism Must Take On a Paramilitary Character!


Black Guards/ASC dressing up as inverted Red Guards

An analysis of the events on August 18th

The March Against Far Left Violence and its counter-demonstration organized by the weak and poorly disciplined ATX-Resistance Action stand as a prominent example of how not to organize. Our organization and its supporters (largely outnumbering them) boycotted the counter-demonstration on the basis of political principle, so it comes as no surprise to us that the numbers of the left and liberal alliance were sub-par.

Even holding our position to sit this one out as a matter of principle, we have eyes and ears everywhere so we feel it appropriate to issue the following analysis and make a  public call to get organized in a more meaningful, and effective way.

First and foremost we must recognize that not everyone in attendance of the left-liberal rally is a class enemy, anti-communist or reactionary, there were certainly good people who we would consider to the fit the category of “our friends.” To them, we maintain solidarity and make this statement with the intention of constructive critique. There were also a few from the left-liberal alliance who were arrested, we support them and will share any fund-raisers we come across no matter which org or ideology they belong to. No one should remain in jail for opposing fascism. Lastly, there were those in the March against Far Left Violence who are just misguided people that have backward views but are not fascists. In fact, most of them were not fascists. This last point offers a contradiction within the camp broadly called “our enemies”. Our position is simple, conservatives who are not fascists should immediately stop tolerating fascist’s presence, or they must be considered collaborators. Because ultimately—there were fascists in attendance and these are the main enemy.

Let’s look at the event from a military perspective. Many from the right-wing side, including the fascists, were well armed and equipped. While this makes them dangerous, their tactical strength is overshadowed by their strategic weakness. All their weapons and their fighting condition mean absolutely nothing without support from the broad masses of people. Regardless of their current lack of popularity a fascist populist movement is still a threat and backward elements of society are moved to become fascists during economic crisis. This is the main reason why we oppose fascist’s presence or any attempts on their part to organize.

The left-liberal alliance however is both tactically weak and strategically weak. Its main flaw is bad leadership, a willingness to talk things out or even debate with fascists and their collaborators. The left-liberal alliance, led by social-democrats (the social fascists who only appear left-wing, like Democratic Socialists of America and Austin Socialist Collective) as well as white hippies and many anarcho-liberals, provide the worst leadership possible. They refuse to view anything through the lens of military strategy and see antifascist actions as a social outlet, the same exact way that petty bourgeois white Americans view festival culture, they put on costumes and engage in street theater—resistance is only an act, it’s always “symbolic”, they dance around and make fools of themselves giving numerous advantages to the enemy—they view antifascism as if it were Burning Man or Bonnaroo etc.

A concrete analysis of concrete conditions in Austin must be the departure point for any action against fascists—this means evaluating the subjective forces of the antifascist side, the fascist side as well as the objective conditions of the police and the laws they intend to enforce. Neglecting this of course the left-liberals opted to take the  South Steps of the Capitol (a position they later ceded to the right with its huge PA system which was heard loudly over the “noise” demo), this guaranteed that the left-liberal alliance  on the grounds would be both unarmed and mostly unmasked, giving decisive advantage to the enemy which correctly took the position of the South Gate—where the Department of  Public Safety (Brown Shirts ) can no longer enforce the ban against weapons and masks.  Even basic items like wooden flag poles, helmets, and shields are banned on capitol grounds making South Steps the worst possible place to occupy, especially if you have no fighting capacity to hold the position and prevent the right’s speeches from taking place.

To make matters worse the left-liberal alliance lacks the discipline and organization to be early, let alone on time. The fascists and their collaborators however showed up before their scheduled event to hold the space which the left-liberals had set their event page to meet spreading confusion among their support base and putting the already low-energy section on the steps at greater risk. Being that the enemy side was made up mostly of backward masses and trump supporters and not organized fascists the risk was minimalized and no one according to our reports was injured (including the fascists present).  All in all, the day saw an unwillingness to fight from either of the main two sides.

Our principle is that when you go against a class enemy you hit him—that if you do not hit him he will not fall. The fact that no fascists were harmed in the making of this “counter-protest” only proves that the main organizers have no stomach for antifascism—for us antifascism is concrete—it does not mean simply voicing a disagreement it means stopping fascists in their tracks and hurting their efforts to the point where they stop organizing.

At the point where a handful of “antifa” showed up, there were only about 25-30 of them, no weapons for defense, no shields no sticks—these were led by Austin Socialist Collective.  An organization which in spite of all its posturing has never actually won a fight with the right, they have never even come to blows. For Maoists and our supporters, we learn by doing—in order to learn to fight you must fight. No matter how many martial arts classes are held by ASC their courage in the street is as lackluster as it ever has been. This will not be altered without action on their part, which is stifled by their conservative play-it-safe leadership.

ASC appearing in their new hammer and sickle masks (nearly identical to our own except they are black, a fitting symbol of their black reactionary line opposed to our red revolutionary line) only highlights their tailist mentality opposing their watered down “communism” to actual Communists who have been doing the work better and longer than they have. According to the brief and very distorted summation from ASC:

“Fascists thought they could have a rally in Austin today. They were wrong. Hundreds of communists, anarchists and other antifascists came to chase them out of town after drowning out their rally.

They’re right about one thing: we WILL take their ‘freedom’ to support fascism, imperialism, or capitalism in our city. And the Left in Texas WILL be energized as it continues to grow in size, discipline and confidence.”

Let’s unpack this a little bit; there were not “hundreds of communists, anarchists” this is their first distortion as the numbers of the total left-liberal alliance (mostly composed of DSA members) only numbered about 150 at its peak, if we are to be generous here.  Second distortion is that the “fascists” who were mainly just run of the mill flag wavers, were not drowned out by any noise made from the left-liberal alliance and more importantly they most certainly were not  “chased out”. Third distortion; ASC claims Austin as “their city” while they could hardly muster 30 undisciplined troops under their loose and pathetic command structure.  They attempted a march after the conclusion of the rightwing event but were unable and uninspired to take the streets and it degenerated on the sidewalk after a few moments.

ASC would rather claim an easy “victory” even if it means lying to their supporters instead of being realistic and self-critical the way Communists must be. When offering analysis it is our prerogative to divide things into two main aspects, strengths and shortcomings so that the overall work progresses in a revolutionary direction—this is beyond the scope of the fake Marxists in ASC.  Their lying and distortion only serve to make them unstable and deficient as they have been since their start by their own admission. So now after years of anti-Communism they hope to try and clone our work, devoid of ideology and create a revisionist pole in this city. This is not going to happen we will confront them the way the PCP has taught us in their confrontations against the MRTA.  They are but a hollow, blackened imitation of the red power we have been establishing in Austin and throughout the US with our comrades in other Red Guards collectives.

The ASC bloc now includes the tailist anarcho-liberals of Autonomous Student Network, since Maoists would no longer tolerate their snitch apologia they have now come under the rotten black wing of ASC.  This accumulation of flotsam and jetsam has hardly witnessed an increase in quantity and seen a decrease in quality —all of the real anarchists long since quit working with ASN viewing it as a liberal identity politics organization, which it is.

We must also mention the fact that there were a small few armed  leftists, these were mainly some open carry folks associated with the Houston Socialist Movement, this armed presence was not under the direction of any centralized leadership and arms were left to complete voluntarism, some  of the armed people in  camo with no political insignia were confused as part of the rightwing march—a failure to keep the centralized Communist organization in command of the  gun. Guns without discipline are not what we encourage when we call for the left to arm itself. Overall the event lacked decent coordination and any strategy at all; its tactics ranged from nudist voyeurism, to festival celebration of a fascist visit, to pretend -antifa pageantry.

From a total failure to recognize the contradiction between patriot-reactionary nationalists and actual neo-Nazis, the whole of the right was qualified as “Nazis” which only provides a bigger pond for the actual Nazis to swim in.  Failing to analyze the internal contradictions of the enemy group is a  major error with negative results.

In all of this the most vocal opportunists of Oh Shit What Now, failed to make any presence worth noting.

black block allows comrades to take arrest putting up no resistance.

Black Bloc  fails to intervene on behalf of their fallen comrade

DPS brown shirts managed at one point to dissect the left-liberal alliance in half using classic military techniques of divide and conquer, nothing was done to prevent their forces from being split right down the middle. The fascists moved (sometimes armed) freely through the ranks of the left-liberal alliance, who were positioned off Capitol grounds.  The only physical confrontation was with one older reactionary in which at least two people from the left were arrested after the rightwing event ended. There is no reason that a group of this size should not be flexible with high mobility, the reason it was not was because of loose mis-leadership on the ground.

So to reiterate, 1. The rightwing demonstration proceeded as planned and was heard over the “noise” created by the left-liberal alliance. 2. The rightwing demonstration was carried out to its conclusion when the rightwing decided on their own, to call it a day, with no coercion or force from the left-liberal alliance which proved utterly toothless with all bark and no bite.

So what does paramilitarized antifascism look like?

To anyone who is sick and tired of being let down, put at risk, or wasting time at these demoralizing failures there is a better and more effective way to make an impact against fascists. Many of the left-liberal groups just run candidates, tail yellow capitalist unions, and in essence preach pacifism; unity with them is not going to get you anywhere.  Real working class unity against fascism is what matters.

To begin, antifascism must be popularized among the broadest and deepest sections of our class, whom already stand far to the left of this spectacle which we have called the left-liberal alliance. Working people are not interested in performing an act in front of those whose racist ideology wants them disempowered, then dead. To make antifascism appeal to them we must stop playing into the most negative stereotypes and start proving our capacity at community self-defense and bold revolutionary actions. The left-liberal model of “antifascism” actually draws support for the enemy and alienates the masses from taking up antifascism as their own thing.

The post WWII “antifa” model has met its natural limitations, it has plateaued and stagnated. Instead of disorganized unarmed “affinity groups” which rely on nothing but a vague cultural identity for their points of unity, we encourage the formation of paramilitary organizations on two levels. The first being those who are mainly unarmed but are prepared and trained to carry out fist fighting or using blunt weapons like axe handles or flagpoles as well as shields and basic armoring. The second level is the more advanced embryo of a Red Army, which is trained militarily and operates as soldiers all the time, engaging in production and mass work among the proletariat and the oppressed nation’s people. We support the formation of street committees and rapid response networks of masses who have secure means of communication and clear leadership.

Our methods differ greatly from the liberal-left who fall short of any combat action—in one arrest affidavit from one of the antifascist actions we led last year the Department of Public Safety, while lying about who started the riot got a few things right—showing the difference between hard and soft antifascism, between antifa as a fighting unit which closes ranks on an enemy and “antifa” as a goofy performance art troop which puts on plays for fascist spectators and their collaborators.


DPS report on RGA led action

What does antifascist unity look like?

It is time for Austin to stand up, to shake off bad leadership trying to impose itself on antifascism and come together under a better model of actual resistance and not token performance. When we organize and lead actions the fascists do not march every step they take is met with physical confrontation and they are bombarded from all sides.

We are willing to work with, and accomplish temporary unity with anyone who can be united with; we simply will not liquidate our leadership behind anti-communists, Democrats or social-democrats. Antifascism is in and of itself neither Socialist nor Communist but it must not be Anti-Communist.  Communist leadership of a united front must not be liquidated.  According to Chairman Mao:

“Capitulationism must be strenuously opposed. When we make concessions, fall back, turn to the defensive or halt our advance in our relations with either allies or enemies, we should always see these actions as part of our whole revolutionary policy, as an indispensable link in the general revolutionary line, as one turn in a zigzag course. In a word, they are positive.”

That is, our collaborations with those who genuinely wish to defeat fascism must not come at the expense of our own ability to fight fascism, or our ability to grow and expand strategically.  While understanding the need for certain tactical unity against fascism we understand that antifascism is just one part of our overall revolutionary work.  We will not change our color as Communists; we will not liquidate our program or allow cessation of ideological and political struggle.  While we will unite first, we will not fail to criticize second. Those who are worthy of the sharpest criticism are the very same ones who frame any and all critique as a personal attack and cannot self-criticize.

ASC and their handful of supporters should realize once again that they are in tailing position, that their political line as it stands now lacks direction. They have no official ideology and remain an eclectic bunch of rightists. Making a play to oppose us is the errand of fools. Our movement will overcome all odds and can strike out at multiple enemies. If there is to be any coordination then it will be behind what works and not behind what doesn’t. Once again we invite any of their disheartened rank and file to leave their stifling ranks and express themselves in one of Austin’s numerous revolutionary mass organizations. ASC can alter its appearance, this will not change its essential character.  Antifascism is not monolithic, any work among the masses is contested space which revolutionary Communism must combat revisionism, politically and at times with politics by other means. We make no apology for this fact because it is a fact derived from Marxism.

On the basis of our principled united front work, fascists and their collaborators can be drowned out, run out, routed, beaten bloody, and even annihilated. These are our principles and we aim to hold them to the very finish.

Drown fascism in a sea of resistance!

Our color is red, the flag of our people is red!

Oppose the hollow imitations represented by the Black Guards!

Antifascism is a question of forming paramilitary units!

Red Guards Austin, August 2018


Remembering Revolutionary Student Front


The Revolutionary Student Front Austin (RSF) is no more. What follows is a brief summation and analysis of its strengths and weaknesses. —Red Guards Austin.


Emergence of RSF

The Revolutionary Student Front was formed in 2016 by our consciously linking up disconnected Maoist-sympathetic student supporters of the Red Guards movement via food serving programs in the popular neighborhoods. At these servings revolutionary students could interact both with the working masses as well as organized proletarian revolutionaries. It was under the guidance of cadres and advanced supporters that the students were linked up in the interest of developing a trench of combat at the universities and community colleges.

This effort was neither the creation of a party-generated organism nor an organic mass organization. It was the cultivation of a front; revolutionaries not only introduced student supporters to each other, but also began casually floating the idea of a student front, by discussing the need to organize among students and youth. It was from this long and patient work that the students took to the line and began organizing. Several names were considered, but once again the students took the direction of the cadres and settled on the name Revolutionary Student Front, which was a name originally used in Peru by the student organization aligned with the Communist Party of Peru, honoring both the tradition of those students and support for the revolutionary cause. The qualifier of “front” is quite important. Students on their own cannot lead the class struggle; they have mixed interests, and the promise of upward mobility—or the illusion of this promise to be more precise—creates mixed consciousness among students. Still, class struggle occurs on every campus in the US, and proletarian students must be organized as one front, since they are part of the proletariat. We most certainly wanted to avoid the pitfalls of other student organizations, like the Revolutionary Student Coordinating Committee, which failed due to gender discrimination and abuse. While we were greatly inspired by Progressive Youth Organization in Kansas City, we were not interested in this time in the formulation of a general youth organization. Students are not always young, and the youth are not always students. We specifically wanted to cultivate a campus front, in the interest of the working class and revolutionary movement in general, and not in the exclusive interests of students. The student struggle should have been more subordinated to the workers’ struggle, but due to a theoretical misstep (described later), this was never fully the case.

From the inception there were issues with the mentioned mixed consciousness of students. RSF was designed to be a multi-tendency mass organization initiated and led by Maoist sympathizers and supporters of the RG movement; this formula was already too eclectic. We failed to cement Maoism as the guiding light for the organization, even if all the principal leaders were students of Maoism. One founding member took the initiative to reach out for advice to an organizer in the Canadian Revolutionary Student Movement. This was done without the knowledge of our collective. While this organizer gave sound practical advice, the conditions in Canada are drastically different considering that the Austin-based organizers attended University of Texas at Austin, and US universities have a lower proletarian demographic, and are expensive and elite. Another major difference is that student organizations receive funding from Canadian universities and get full status as official campus organizations. In the US student organizations have to register and pay for recognized status, so working within the university system has limitations and restrictions if you want to become an official campus club. It was determined that RSF would be better suited as an unrecognized and illegal campus organization that would not pay the fee and would operate through faked organizations that already had status in order to acquire space and table on campus. This would soon become a problem, as the revolutionary politics were anathema to UT Austin administration, which would try and fail to prevent RSF from distributing literature and holding official events on campus, thought the administration attempted this almost consistently.

Students in the original formation had varying issues with postmodernism and a tendency to neglect actually analyzing their conditions, the latter being the root error leading to reaching out to the RSM in Ottawa, something we would have absolutely opposed. The early members, all self-identified Maoists, still had a lot of learning to do, but in spite of their limited experience their commitment to developing was truly inspiring, they would hit the ground running.


RSF and antifascism

For ages the UT at Austin campus has been a cesspool of two anti-people trends, the first being revisionism in the form of Trotskyite organizations like the ISO as well as the presence of a strong postmodern hegemony, the second being an increasing right-wing presence in the fraternities and conservative youth organizations. Until the formation of RSF there was no revolutionary left organization with the exception of the Palestine Solidarity Committee, which maintains an anti-imperialist stance and had never hesitated to support righteous struggles that go beyond their own national liberation struggle. Violent racist attacks as well as rape and sexual assault have always been an acute problem on campus and in the student neighborhood of West Campus. PSC alone was not able to fully take on the question of the growing fascist trends even though they consistently took part in antifascist struggles. The ISO on the other hand is just slightly to the left of campus democrats and is content to try to shame militant antifascists, opposing the use of masks and any form of violent action, including self-defense. Politically they are liberals and practically they are pacifists, a beyond shameful position to hold in this day and age. Unless an issue is trendy you can bet that ISO-ATX will take the fence.

In these conditions, white-supremacist graffiti had been put up on the pillars of the Blanton Museum on campus, and had then been allowed to remain up, uncovered, for 8 more months. The museum and university administration had been notified multiple times and took no action. RSF organized for a protest, and angry students were mobilized. During this mobilization, the graffiti was covered up with neutral-color paint, and a poster in the style of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution in China was put up where the graffiti used to be. The poster criticized the administration for having taken no action for so long. In the past, Black Lives Matter graffiti on a Confederate statue had been immediately removed, only highlighting the tendency of the administration to come down hard on progressive struggles while turning a blind eye on hate speech and racist graffiti. Immediately after this action several nonstudents nearby were arrested and charged with felony vandalism. Even though it was students who removed the graffiti and students who organized the action, campus pigs arrested people at random to stand as an example. RSF wasted no time in helping to mobilize support in the form of jail support, fundraising, and leading a solidarity protest that drew an even larger crowd than the original action. The defendants became known as the UT Antifa 3, and a successful campaign took place that resulted in dismissal of their cases over a year later.

This first action put RSF on the map and positioned them uniquely to swing against fascism. This was at a point in time when the fascists had set their sights on developing a strong local movement in Austin, and we are happy to report than in part due to the good work of RSF and their consistent actions over their lifespan, the fascists can scarcely show themselves in our city and never met their goal of developing a sustained movement here. Instead they still have to shuttle in reactionaries from out of town. RSF would launch counter-propaganda campaigns and campus patrols and lead the masses in several campus antifascist actions while developing a core of students who would be able to participate in the broader Austin-wide red antifascist movement.

The Revolutionary Students developed a West Campus rapid response network using the eyes and ears of the masses; they would get alerts and mobilize patrols immediately. These rapid mobilizations would often chase fascists off campus or eradicate their propaganda immediately, replacing it with antifascist and revolutionary propaganda. Some of the best work on this front was carried out during this period.

However, in spite of the solid on-the-ground antifascism, due to the eclecticism, lack of real leadership from the proletarian organization, and mixed class consciousness of the membership they began making some pretty serious errors. The first such error was participation in the “coalition” ATX Resists, which still exists in form and name, but only as a shell. This coalition was built totally on postmodernist lines after Trump won the election. It was a confused and ill-fated attempt at horizontalism—which never works. RSF and a few other local mass organizations failed to struggle against this flaw and ended up drawing a lot of bad ideas from its structure and meetings. For Communists, United Front work with class allies must never liquidate Communist leadership. Tailing in such a big-tent type organization that fully lacks leadership is always fruitless. While efforts were made to fight for the most revolutionary positions possible, the coalition was mainly right-opportunist. The name itself was extremely misleading, since the only active organizations were campus-based organizations and not citywide organizations. It was at these meetings that RSF would come to the terrible idea of running a mental health program and engage in both economism and a rightist deviation from the mass line.


Mental health and the slow poison of metaphysics

What bears some explanation is that while RSF and the Maoist movement worked closely together, students are not allowed membership in the Party Embryo. In spite of the rumor mill there was zero overlap between our organizations. RSF would rely on us (RGA) for advice, guidance, and training, on a strictly voluntary political basis. This was a huge problem for both organizations and one that robbed the students of Communist leadership. As students are inherently transient in Austin one benefit to this relationship is that students can be ready to join the Party Embryo upon graduating and have already accumulated a lot of experience and political education prior to joining. The serious downside to this that bears some self-criticism is that the Party Embryo will at times have great difficulty leading the mass organization, or in this case the front. This problem would assert itself in a very dangerous and painful way with RSF and be a big factor in its subsequent degeneration.

In a failed and ill-advised effort at emulating the mass line RSF embarked upon their “Revolutionary Mental Health Program” while we criticized this trajectory from the very start and at most conceded to the democratic decision of the front, viewing it as an experiment and a learning experience. When it became clear to the Party Embryo that the mental health program had recruited nonstudent leadership over the program, who were using new age therapy in the form of circling, cadres started offering sharpened criticism and attempted to dissuade RSF from continuing in this direction. Our intervention was not firm enough, and RSF merely conceded to getting the existing nonstudent leaders of this program by having them mentor students who could replace them. Due to this imbalance of power between mentor and student and mainly due to the bourgeois and rightist approach to mental health, this would have disastrous results. Even our most firm insistence that this be stopped was not received. We unite with the document summarizing the mental health program and will not elaborate on its content. We only wish to make it clear that our organization opposed this program and struggled with RSF leadership until the program was finally abandoned and the document of self-critical summary was released. Our position has not changed. Group discussions about feelings will at best only complement struggles against mental illness. In our analysis the program lacked a struggle component and visibly lowered the students’ ability to fight.

Orienting toward the mentally ill is already an issue in and of itself, one that was also criticized. While mental illness must be addressed by revolutionary organizations, it should not be the main activity of a student front. Our membership consistently warned against this for months and directly warned RSF about including one of their facilitators who would later be expelled for abusive behavior. Our advice took time to reach the ears of the front, and they were too slow at making changes and truly learned the hard way. The militant student leaders were finally able to win the correct position via democratic struggle internal to RSF. There was a persisting issue here of too many leaders who were too poorly equipped to lead, which led to errors of ultra-democracy and bureaucratic hesitation.

The lingering effect of the mental health program is finally just now beginning to assert itself. While in-depth analysis is premature, we can confidently state that the mental health problems of the membership of the front remained a constant impediment to organizing, exacerbated by their incorrect approach to the question. Membership would come and go, neglect work, and fall off. This is made worse by the fact that when veteran organizers graduate and move, a crisis of leadership asserts itself on the general body. Worse than any of the above-mentioned conditions are the deep-rooted postmodernist ideas so prevalent on US campuses. This almost hegemonic force would assert itself in struggles over mental health, bourgeois arguments for self-care and “taking a break” would come into play, and activists would default to using mental health as an excuse to avoiding their organizational commitments, which would negatively impact the organization as a whole. Without being insensitive to those dealing with mental illness, we must insist, from our vantage point as a proletarian organization, that students in Austin, even working-class students, have it far better than the average worker—not just in terms of financial consideration but also in terms of resources and overall social status. Many students at UT come from upper-petty-bourgeois or even bourgeois class backgrounds. This bears mention because it influences their class stand and their class consciousness: selfishness and individualism are not anomalies—and many students are lazy, spoiled, or both. There were many petty-bourgeois students in the front who strongly manifested these errors, and they would push postmodernist lines in the org. Even worse, actual revolutionary students and even a few militant ones would capitulate to this mindset, and after getting frustrated with constant struggles with postmodernists would themselves begin to manifest the postmodernists’ errors, citing mental illness as an excuse to all but cease organizing. These conditions, combined with our hesitation to put cadres in the organization who could rectify and correct it, created the perfect storm.

To the detriment of left-wing movements in the US, students are the main demographic that revisionists and liberals have drawn on to populate their organizations. The ISO is nothing but a campus organization that poaches from popular movements; they rely on a revolving door of dues-paying students who frequently come and go. This is not unique, as petty-bourgeois college kids make up the majority of the legal left, and a few of them stick around to become career NGO activists. The student-dominated left by its very nature cannot meaningfully have an impact on the proletariat as a class. It is no surprise that many students, while capable of great bravery and daring direct actions, are neither stable nor reliable in the long view of organizing the hardcore of the proletariat and reaching the deepest and most profound sections of the masses. For this reason and so many more, students absolutely require organized proletarian leadership. Student-based organizing can only ever be an auxiliary, as it can never in itself be a way to apply Lenin’s teaching to go lower and deeper among the masses. For this reason we oppose becoming a student-dominated movement. Once college is over and career opportunities come in, all that bourgeois training is activated, and they often take their places outside of, and in many cases opposed to, our class. The best student organizers, who should be upheld as good examples, are most often the ones who, due to economic crisis, are unable to put their education to use in entering a well-paying career. These students, who every year become more numerous, are justifiably angry and sick of capitalism and can make great Communists. This is our attitude toward student organizing and will continue to be the basis of our orientation when it comes to the campus trench or more broadly a student front.


Proletarian feminism in action

Some of the very best work carried out by RSF was in the context of the women’s struggle. Internally, abusers would be dealt with correctly and without gloves. This must be understood as a raising of the bar for student organizing. Student organizing is rife with date rape and macktivism (using activism to flirt, almost always with women), and sexual harassment and unwanted advances are too common. RSF was a shining example of something better, something new, and something truly proletarian feminist. While many organizations either preferred to avoid controversy or had misogynist men in top positions, RSF would earn consistent support from students due to their revolutionary stance on the women’s struggle.

The struggles against sexist abuse did not stop at the end of membership lists. The front would embark on campaigns to make abusers afraid to exist on UT campus in the face of an administration that harbors them. The most notable of these campaigns was the highly successful campaign against the now-deceased Richard Morrisett. Morrisett was widely reported in the media for having seriously abused his ex. Successful protests and creative, well-place graffiti forced the campus to reevaluate its policy of keeping on professors like Morrisett.

On International Working Women’s Day of 2018, the Littlefield Fountain on UT campus, a monument to the US imperialist involvement in WWI, was dyed red and adorned with pro-women Communist slogans. This action, inspired by RSF agitation, really shook things up. It was reported around the world and interest in struggling against abusers mounted. Morrisett himself would soon die.  While his cause of death is unpublished, it is not going out on a limb to state that this happened amid a militant campaign against him in which Communists led the way in bringing the full weight of his transgressions down upon him. His death is lighter than a feather and we shed no tears at his passing. Had he had the decency to attempt to rectify and be transformed, perhaps whatever ended him could have been avoided. Nonetheless, the campaign to get him off campus permanently, whether by the action of nature or by the activity of revolutionaries, was successful. While only time will tell what caused his death, the actual cause matters less than the campaign and the events in the lead-up to it, which in spite of anything else should be repeated and improved.


Decline and dissolution

Despite the momentum from the anti-Morrisett campaign, the organization’s leaders failed to implement proper recruitment and training.  This happened at a time when key leaders were to graduate or cease to be students. The training of leaders should always be a constant concern of any organization, and we stressed this to RSF. With summer approaching and students returning home, this training was not carried out, and the militants in the front reached a fatal impasse.

This combination of factors spelled the end of RSF. The imbalance of commitment between the casual attitude of the student rank and file and the devotion of the longtime student organizers who were soon to stop being students meant that only a very few members were suitable to step up and get elected as leaders. Unfortunately, and due to reasons still unclear to us, many of these potential leaders dropped off, citing various personal reasons, including the excuse of “taking a mental health break” (an excuse we implacably reject). Others who were committed to postmodernist ideas had already found themselves in contradiction with anything revolutionary and had been trickling out for months; these people in search of a social club to do little more than bemoan their existence sought elsewhere and rejected proletarian politics and the proletarian worldview. RSF leaders had placed all of their eggs in one basket—the idea that they would train their replacements in a summer school that was to take place throughout the summer of 2018 (when this article is being written). Without the leaders of RSF ever clearly stating a reason why not—even when asked about it directly—summer school never took place.

The remaining membership of the front took up the work of organizing student tenants who are being threatened with displacement and gentrification; they remain committed to this work. To complicate matters, student leaders who support the Party-building project failed to make honest or accurate assessments of their decline. When questioned they responded dismissively that “yes people have fallen off, but the organization is better off without their influence and will not be impeded.” This rose-colored report is reminiscent of those from the communes that would fake their statistics during the Great Leap forward in China. It amounts in this case to an unwillingness to confront their incorrect working methods and accept proletarian leadership. They did not want to struggle with their critics or their mistakes—and took the path of avoidance. As a result, reports were informal, distorted, and infrequent or absent. Those who could have helped were not really able to provide the advice the students really needed. We understand this as prideful arrogance, a petty-bourgeois trait common in students.

While there are still activists trained and developed by the high points in RSF’s struggles, the organization itself reached an all-time low, in terms of both membership and quality of work. At this point a veteran leader, who was the main force behind the goal of training the organization to sustain itself (as well as one of the people making fluffed-up reports), simply walked away from the work without comment or informing anyone and has since left the city, becoming a deserter. This was the last gasp of the organization.


Fight again

An organization such as a Party Embryo is to operate like the nerve center of the local revolutionary movement. We have a commitment to the younger generation of organizers, and failed in our commitment to RSF, which at one point was one of—if not the—largest red student fronts in the country. Our method of organizing the students had fundamental flaws in its framework; we took too long to realize the inherent errors of only offering political leadership, guidance, support, and advice. Organizational and structured leadership in an official sense would have been better.

It is in the struggles of the working class that Communists will be forged and tempered. We do not relent or give up; we just recognize our faults and the deformed and degenerated condition of one singular trench in a city where we wage class struggle on many fronts. It is our duty and intention to glean every bit of knowledge we can from this experience, both good and bad, and to provide that in synthesis to other organizers and would-be organizers. It is our duty and intention to develop Communists in the high schools, community colleges, and universities of Austin and the US. In this struggle leadership is decisive, and learning to implement democratic centralism in the mass organizations is critical. The fact that none of our cadres are students means that we had to learn by doing and admit errors to implement rectification. We know that Mao is correct in his often repeated quotation that a single spark can start a prairie fire; unfortunately, some fires go out.

RSF had in its short time turned the University of Texas at Austin into a shining trench of combat. Many brave students held their post at that front; we honor them and their commitment and look forward to their future in off-campus organizing, where they are sure to become even better revolutionaries. The closing of a front is less than a bend in the road; with faith in the masses and better Communist leadership, nothing is impossible, and we will prevail. Campus organizing is important, but it is less important than organizing the nonstudent oppressed masses. We are a relatively small organization and will continue developing new and improved trenches of combat. RSF will rise again like a phoenix from its ashes, next time stronger and better. The old is dead, long live the new. As surely as the bourgeoisie produce their own gravediggers, the class struggle on campus will produce new Communists, and we will make it so.

We take heart in the history of Peru’s University of Ayacucho de Huamanga, once a fierce trench led by the Communist Party of Peru. When conditions were right, they developed Communists and sent them among the people, and away from the university. This is now also the history of RSF, whose members now will swim like fish among the proletarian masses of Austin. We understand that holding a trench for the sake of vanity is a fool’s errand. To the former Revolutionary Student Front: Thank you for your contribution to the class struggles in Austin. Thank you for your services in the struggles against fascism. Thank you for your sacrifices and your spilled blood that has mingled with our own. Many of you have remained Communists after you stopped being students, and we welcome you as comrades! Some others have fallen away, and we remind them: luxury is fleeting while struggle is permanent; you know your post and must return to it. History demands it. No matter what you will participate in class struggle and it is crucial to be sided with the proletariat and not the class enemies.

The closing of one front among many is not a cause for mourning but a call to increase our organizing efforts, taking firmly to the task of going to the deepest and most profound masses and educating them in revolutionary violence. Our summation and self-criticism is but one more step in this march forward.


—Red Guards Austin, Summer 2018

Call for solidarity with Detained Occupy ICE activist Mapache


On the morning of 8/3/18, Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) arrested a young activist involved with the Occupy ICE encampment in San Antonio, Texas. The activist Mapache, has now been transferred to the Webb Detention Center in Laredo, Texas. Mapache at only 18 years old and a recent high school graduate has already earned a reputation as a staunch activist against deportations and is known by his comrades as a kind and dedicated person who loves his people.

The  Occupy ICE encampment in San Antonio has earned the hatred of non-state fascists and fascistic reactionary state agencies alike, having recently been attacked by fascist group Patriot Front on the 28th of last month. As critical as we may be of occupy type tactics we fully commend the dedication of these activist comrades.  While a lot more can and will be said on our points of political divergence now is the time to show our utmost support for Mapache and the others standing up to deportations in  San Antonio. This experience further indicates the need for both solidarity and preparation to defend the movement from the organized forces of reaction, be they state agencies or populist fascist terror organizations. Deportations are one of the clearest manifestations of proto-fascist policies being used against the people. We are resolute in this fight.

We wish to remind our supporters and the people in general that to be attacked by the enemy only proves that we have demarcated ourselves from them. The people see this kind of repression and it provokes in them a burning passion for liberation, everywhere there is repression there must be resistance! We work toward construction of the type of defense units that can use force to prevent these kinds of targeted arrests that have taken Mapache from the people. Mapache is now a political prisoner who has made a great sacrifice for the people and must be honored as such. He is detained in the exact system he lives to fight against.

More information is forthcoming and we will seek to share any information we come across or receive to help the activists in San Antonio boost awareness and support. We invite those involved to reach out to us directly for any support we can provide.

As Occupy ICE San Antonio has withstood increasing attack and persevered through them, those outside of San Antonio must increase the pressure against ICE in our own cities and target all parts of the mechanism of deportation with protest and resistance. This includes the fight against Southwest Key which is headquartered in Austin. Actions should be carried out in the name of Mapache!

Protest and resistance are not enough, we must steadily organize the masses in this conflict and through it develop iron revolutionary structures and military structures which can fully unleash the fury of the people while safeguarding the most vulnerable sections of our people. We fully advocate for the formation of self-defense units as the clearest way to show solidarity. These units must learn to defend our communities by any means necessary.

Solidarity to the activists in San Antonio!

Free Mapache now!

Fight ICE with fire!

-Red Guards Austin, 2018