Anti-Revisionism Is Confirmed in Action

A response to PSL

Unsurprisingly the Party for Socialism and Liberation revisionists has begun to pig-jacket (false labeling as a police agent) our organization in response to us pointing out that they were harboring a rapist. We encouraged local militants from the youth and LGBT community to take up our call to expel their rotten organization from our city. These comrades responded successfully.

Unlike PSL, our organization actually faces FBI harassment and repression—COINTELPRO for us is not just some panic button we can hit but an actual government-run program used against us. For us, it is material and not an excuse to evade responsibility for defending rapists. Obviously, the State does not persecute and repress its own agents; PSL simply uses COINTELPRO as a scare word and carries out classic pig-work by doing so.

To carry out this pig-work, the PSL has taken up anti-communism and a plethora of reactionary positions in their distorted narrative. We hope to point this out and state the facts. They call us a “cult” multiple times. This slander hearkens back to the way in which the capitalist class the world over, their press, and their school systems seek to denounce Communists. These are the same arguments Khrushchev made regarding Stalin, the same arguments made against Mao and Gonzalo by many in the bourgeois camp.

While “cult” is a fairly useless word when seeking a materialist analysis, it finds common currency among revisionists who wish to hide their revisionism while slandering actual Communists. If we were to define a “cult,” it would have to be a group of people who have been deprived of critical thinking, relying on a set of rituals to segregate themselves from the masses in society. This lack of critical thinking is what the US government claimed took place in China during the revolution, creating the term “brainwash” to describe the phenomena of people being won over to socialism and Communist ideology—the hive mind, an old racist trope, was unpacked and polished up. PSL takes a page from the Black Book of Communism when formulating their defense to distract people from the issue of rape apologia.

Unlike a cult, our organization promotes and organizes internal two-line struggle, promotes and engages in ideological struggle. We do this on the basis of being critical of all things in existence as Marx teaches: “It is all the more clear what we have to accomplish at present: I am referring to ruthless criticism of all that exists, ruthless both in the sense of not being afraid of the results it arrives at and in the sense of being just as little afraid of conflict with the powers that be.” PSL likes to look at things superficially and refuse to acknowledge the importance of internal contradiction; they assume we are a homogenous group with no line struggle. In reality, such a group could not grow or establish unity as we have demonstrated both in Austin and nationally. PSL, despite having members here for years, has never accomplished much and simply tailed local protests. They fail to see that our ruthless criticism of the “left” is based in the Marxist spirit and firm principles of anti-revisionism that are reinforced daily with internal two-line struggle.

PSL claims that Forbes is not a member, though she poses with their politician Gloria La Riva, had a social media profile picture for People’s Congress of Resistance, and has admitted to being part of these organizations in private. This matters very little when PSL, who claims to not have known of the allegations, had members jumping to defend Forbes hours before their event was to take place. In any case, we do not take PSL at their word.

forbes convo 01
Forbes making up lies


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Forbes posing with one of the top PSL leaders








As mentioned in the statement from Stonewall Militant Front, PSL member Brian Griffith proclaimed that we were liars with no accountability in defense of Forbes instead of trying to meet with representatives who could have shown him the evidence without allowing him to possess it or use it to pressure the survivor. Contrary to PSL’s claims that we refused to provide evidence, we simply refused to show it to unaffiliated individuals but worked with officials from other organizations who requested to know more about our investigation. This request was immediately honored when the American Party of Labor sought to see the evidence for themselves. PSL, on the other hand, showed exactly where their priorities were: in covering for Forbes. People like that cannot be trusted and must be struggled against.

Brian Griffith of PSL rushing to defend Forbes before the event took place on May 9th

PSL relies on identity opportunism while simultaneously ignoring the fact that they were ejected from a black and brown neighborhood. It is true they hosted their event in a black and brown neighborhood; none of our supporters denied this fact. What PSL fails to mention is that their crew of sad revisionists was kicked out of the location their event was taking place in by black business owners and that it was LGBT and youth from a variety of ethnicities, nations, and backgrounds who led the events that caused their ejection. They fail to admit that they were shut down, the plug was pulled, and they were sent on their way. During the event and in later conversations with supporters, the business owner made it clear that PSL failed to be upfront with him, sliding in their event at the last minute and saying “there may be protestors” without explaining why. To contrast this, our supporters who went to disrupt the PSL event followed all of the wishes of the business owner, protesting across the street instead of in front of the business, and did their best to quickly inform the attendees, employees, and owners why they were there to protest PSL. Clearly, the actions of our supporters mobilized the community and did not alienate them. In fact, community and activist relations were built. The black community of the Eastside supported our people, not PSL.

They claim “masked RGA members, who appeared to be all white” attacked their event. This should be broken down a bit. For starters, though the ethnicities of the disrupters cannot be discerned from the blurry dark video they posted as evidence, supporters who attended the event informed us that the claim of “all white” disrupters is a lie. The disrupters, like the protestors outside, were of various genders and races. We do not operate under identity politics, so this point is not important to us. However, it should be known that PSL member Brian Griffith had to lie through his teeth in order to utilize identity opportunism, one of the few weapons he knows how to wield. Secondly, PSL has no idea who is and is not a member of our organization, who is and is not a mass supporter, so like the police, they charge anyone in a red mask as being a member of RGA. Since they do not know any of us personally, it is not likely that they have any good idea of our identities, because unlike them we safeguard our identities. They just claim we are “all white” to try and bleed stones for support. This is not principally an issue of white, black, or brown; it is an issue of rape and who opposes rapists. PSL can only deflect. The fact remains that white, black, and brown revolutionaries united with black community members to shut down and oust the PSL for harboring and apologizing for a rapist.

They go on laughably to state, “The RGA assailants have since posted an image of a PSL candidate-member next to a tombstone and the word ‘RIP’ — which can only be taken as a death threat. They stated that the PSL ‘will never even co-host so much as a potluck in our city without it being disrupted and confronted. If they want space, they will have to hire the police and security to try to keep us out.’” While we unite and agree with the quote they have taken from SMF (not us), we find the claims that we are making death threats via SMF laughable. Basic literacy would prove well enough that SMF’s use of the word “shut down” combined with the image of a tombstone means obviously enough that the event itself was now dead. Should anyone wish them death, the use of a hot pink tombstone would be a strange way to communicate this intention. For the record, we have no plans to go around killing members of PSL. It is their guilty conscience that keeps them awake at night, not fear that we are planning to kill them. This posing as victims is less amusing than their paranoia. What kind of revolutionary organization chooses to be perceived as a victim rather than a fighting organization?

PSL suggests we are “replicating some of the worst tactics” of COINTELPRO, and they do this while also claiming they understand COINTELPRO and have studied it. We challenge this assumption. COINTELPRO’s worst tactics included using psychological profiles to create crack addicts, using sexual assault as a weapon, assassination, false arrest, illegal tax enforcement, and informing on people to the FBI. Surely all of this trumps confronting PSL and outing rape apologists, none of which were done by COINTELPRO. By suggesting we are COINTELPRO, PSL is actually claiming all our allegations against Forbes are false and that we have made them up in the interests of the state. They cannot prove this and do not try to prove it. This is just more nonsense from bitter revisionists who got kicked out of their own event. The comparison to the alt-right is another bit of cognitive dissonance on their part. Simply put, the alt-right defends sexual assault and rape, they have never been known to mobilize queer and trans people to combat rape culture. PSL, true to their revisionism, seeks only to erase politics in the name of “socialism.” Tactics of confrontation are meaningless to analyze if you ignore the political and ideological basis of the tactics. Shutting down an event and confronting it does not make us akin to the alt-right anymore that using the internet to convey a message or breathing oxygen does.

As has been expressed in our public statements and positions papers, we are not an organization that believes in “left unity.” To be clear, this means that we do not seek friendly relationships with revisionists. We see revisionism for what it is—capitalism with a red flag. So for us, anti-revisionism is class combat, anti-revisionism is concrete, and not only a matter of thinking differently or having different strategies. For this position, they have gone into a frenzy to call us everything from a cult, to COINTELPRO, to sectarian. Their class stand is evident; their left unity is nothing but a plea to ignore their revisionism and anti-people politics. No thanks.

We are glad to read that Forbes will not be allowed in PSL organizing spaces in the future, but we simply do not believe that PSL is good on their word. Fortunately, we do not need to take them at their word, because our organization has eyes and ears everywhere, and the masses themselves tell us everything we need to know. Their claims do not hold much water considering the fact that their member Brian was defending Forbes before the event he organized was to take place, proving that local PSL were well aware of the allegations. At the PSL event, he claimed in front of the masses that they would be investigating Forbes, yet the PSL officially claims that beyond asking the accused whether she is guilty, they can do nothing else. Perhaps this is true for them, which only highlights what a useless organization the PSL is.

It is common for rape apologists to only ask the accused, then ignore the issue altogether or take the word of the accused. This can only be understood as an outright refusal to try to do anything about the abysmal track record the left has when it comes to rape allegations. If PSL had a shred of credibility, then their local members and supporters would have reached out and asked us to look over the evidence in person. Instead, they chose to defend Forbes and were confronted and shut down as a result. While we would refuse to allow others to physically possess evidence that could out survivors, two other organizations have already attested to the fact that this evidence exists and that our statement regarding it is correct.

Forbes’s own account contains typical excuses:

forbs convo02.jpg forbes convo 03

Perhaps PSL is just genuinely stupid—stupid enough to miss Forbes’s textbook rapist arguments, like “the victim is lying,” “she was asking for it,” “it’s just kink,” “she only changed her story when the boyfriend found out,” etc. Anyone who has ever investigated sexual assault cases has come across these excuses, all part of the fabric of rape culture. None of this set off alarm bells for PSL, and it should have. The fact that it did not should seriously prevent even people who hate us from joining that organization.

So like the bourgeois politicking cretins they are, they just avoided the mud and seek to wash their hands of it.

PSL says, “RGA’s campaign of violent attacks, threats, bullying and slander against the PSL has its own sinister motives.”

We say: being anti-revisionist and making revolution is not sinister!

PSL states, “The PSL’s organizing in Austin has just started, with a small group of new candidate members who have recently joined. They are determined to continue organizing against racism, patriarchy, imperialism, and in defense of the working class despite RGA’s wild threats to hurt or even kill them. We call on all progressive organizations to unite to reject the COINTELPRO-style tactics and actions adopted by the Red Guards Austin cult. Their conduct has already isolated them from a wide range of progressive organizations in Texas, and we are certain that their widening pattern of bizarre and threatening actions will result in their further isolation nationwide, and ultimately their own self-destruction.”

We state: nothing has started unless they consider their first event being shut down as a start to running home to hide. We further state: we do not seek the approval of revisionists; we do not seek unity with NGOs or bourgeois politicians—we seek only to unite with the proletariat and its allied classes, and that this unity is compromised by the existence of revisionists, NGOs, and bourgeois politicians. We are not sorry for making enemies of organizations that already serve the ruling class. If the line of the “left unity” revisionist were anything more than a stinking pile of garbage, they would have the power to shut us down, and not the other way around. It is our ideology that gives us strength, and that includes faith in the masses.

At the end of the day, PSL was kicked out, a table was flipped over, and a few voices were raised. They went home without so much as a scratch. If they are so damn fragile then they belong in a museum behind a velvet rope. We see no cause for their crying, which is nothing but a ploy to get sympathy. We take our losses without crying about an imagined use of “violence.” If we were to use revolutionary violence against them, they would not be writing about it.

While we are for revolutionary violence, we have to insist that this was not a case of violence but an act of protest; the only real victim was their literature. Their understanding of “violence” just shows that they are sheltered from all actual violence and shocked at what amounts to nothing more than disorderly conduct. The conflation of protest with violence is an old position held by bourgeois media to criminalize mass protest movements. PSL opportunistically evokes the same stereotype that all confrontation and protest is violence. Perhaps they should be given a course on revolutionary violence someday, but this was not the case here.

As far as we are concerned, there is nothing wrong with confronting revisionists. The nature of those confrontations can be ideological or physical determined by their activity and our abilities. We have already demonstrated superior organizing skills, a broader base of support, and better discipline. Simply put, we have and will continue to out-organize them in Austin. If Forbes is really out of the picture, then their tables might be safe from being “violently” flipped over, at least for now. Nonetheless, we will always see it as our duty to confront revisionism and struggle against it ideologically and politically.


Below we are linking a statement detailing sexism and racism in the Albuquerque branch of PSL; these issues are nationwide within the PSL. While we might have some ideological disagreements with this analysis we would like to use our platform to boost attention and demand that PSL stop wagging their fingers and start looking in the mirror.



But Who Controls the Guns?

Update: Between the writing and the publishing of this article, Rakem Bologun has beaten his charges in federal court and is now free. We wish to congratulate him and all the people who struggled on his behalf.  We see this development as a victory for Black people over the reckless prosecution from government agents and reactionaries. We express our solidarity and have chosen to release the original article as intended with this disclaimer and update.  


Any conversation or debate regarding bourgeois laws pertaining to firearms and gun rights must contend with the historical reality of the US as well as the current conditions of exploitation and oppression. Long before the US became the strongest imperialist power in the world, it was a settler-colonial project. It was, and is, dependent on the gun. The Second Amendment of the US Constitution was created so that white men could defend the land they stole from Native Americans as well as to suppress and oppress enslaved Africans. It was, and remains, a racist doctrine. Communists do not contend with the question of gun control versus gun rights—the contradiction we focus on is power: who has power, and who must take it with force of arms.

We understand that the question of gun control is a hot topic, especially among the youth, who are rightly fed up with mass school shootings. Often this issue is falsely framed as an issue between left and right. In reality, it is deeply connected to the racist history of the US. Rights, like most everything else, are not delegated equally among the haves and the have-nots. Rights are still guaranteed or denied according to class, race, and social status.

Both gun control and gun rights are reactionary bourgeois inventions

Even predating the founding of the US, white settler militias were formed to carry out genocide against indigenous North Americans. In fact, many colonies and frontiers made it illegal for settlers to be unarmed; in essence, these laws created a militarized society of settlers. It is the origin (and implementation) of these very laws that produced US gun culture, a culture which is linked fundamentally to white supremacy.

Settlers on the land required firearms not only in the US but across the continent—bullets have been found in Incan bodies as far back as 1536. When the Spanish first entered what is now called Peru, they faced continued resistance from a people who refused to be colonized. The gun became integral to this process and the earliest firearms were used to put down indigenous rebellions. Production demands certain tools, and when a mode of production is based around control of land, domination of colonies, theft of resources, or slavery, then the gun becomes an indispensable tool of production. As with other tools of production, the question becomes who controls them, who wield them, and to what ends they are used?

As Marx and Engels express in the Communist Manifesto, the conquering of the new world combined with advances in navigation and industry led to the modern bourgeoisie emerging and becoming the ruling class. The enslavement of African people and the genocide and conquest of indigenous Americans is woven into the very fabric of the contemporary ruling class all the way back to their inception. When capitalism gained power over feudalism, it did so at the barrel of the gun. In this process of conquest and reorganization, capitalism created oppressed nations. As capitalism developed, it became imperialism, which is the principal contradiction in the world today—a contradiction that maintains itself mainly through violence.

The US, being founded by settlers who were required to bear arms, has laid the historic groundwork for the issues we face today. This problem has been conditioned and reproduced throughout history. As class struggle and developments in production have caused changes (for instance from slavery to “emancipation”), the ruling class has been forced to regulate the gun in its own interest.

This is very evident in the periods preceding and following the US Civil War with what were called the “Black Codes.” After the Southampton Insurrection of 1831 (also known as Nat Turner’s Rebellion), the state banned the possession of firearms for all freed slaves out of fear that the freed slaves would inspire further revolt among the enslaved. Nat Turner still stands as inspiration for the struggle, and as historical materialists, we understand that the motor of change is class struggle. Bourgeois history presents the “noble” thinking of the northern bourgeoisie as the motive for social change that sparked the Civil War. In reality, it was repeated uprisings, rebellions, and insurrections that brought slavery and the interests of the slave-owners into contradiction with production in the North and the interests of the ruling class that owned production there. The very first instances of gun rights, as well as of gun control, emerged from the implementation and maintenance of an oppressive, white-supremacist system.

The Black Codes continued and, in fact, increased in number after the Civil War. Mississippi and Alabama would both form “civilian militias” to brutally suppress any and all attempts by former slaves to bear arms. They did this with such excess that many felt that slavery and the newly established “freedom” were but a snake with two heads. The penalty for arming yourself if you were Black, even if it was to hunt or defend your land (like the whites claimed their guns were for), was often death, imprisonment, or—even more commonly—work without pay for years: in essence, slavery. These very same legal codes popped up in northern states as well, like Illinois and Maryland. The purpose of these laws was to prevent social interaction between white working-class people and the Black population. This served to disorient Black people, who were thrust from one relationship to production into another without being allowed to join the ranks of the working class properly.

At this time, it was illegal for white working-class people to associate with Black people, including by providing them with education. Violation of this law resulted in either steep fines that no worker could afford to pay, years in prison, or both. What the ruling class was afraid of then, and is still afraid of now, is an armed and organized Black population, which gains the support of the white majority. The bourgeoisie still fear class solidarity among Black and white people and among the proletariat in general. While gun rights and gun laws are unevenly enforced along racial lines to spread this division. Like all capitalists, they will at times speak out of both sides of their mouths, principally securing arms for white agents of the ruling class and putting other sections of the population at a disadvantage.

Furthermore, in post–Civil War conditions, former slaves and freed Black people were not allowed to rent property except in city centers. This was to force proletarianization upon them as well as to prevent them from renting rural properties that could be used to grow food or earn side income. Not only was proletarianization forced judicially, but the ruling class also carried it out in such a way as to produce deeper and lower strata of the proletariat. The process of proletarianization was not a peaceful process; it was infused with reactionary violence that relied on the gun as well as gun culture, which had carried on since the founding of the country. With this forced proletarianization came the criminalization of the Black communities in the city centers. To keep wages down, the ruling class promoted racist hiring policies that kept many Black people stuck in the reserve army of the unemployed, often forcing them into petty crime in order to survive. This was ideal to create conditions where black people would willingly work for a lower wage than white workers. Forming a contradiction that the bourgeois used to create further racial hatred and securing many white workers as their agents within the working class who would, provided the right conditions and incentives, turn on their class as a whole in the interest of their rulers.

At every step of the way, anti-racist whites were punished, excluded, or legally persecuted. The state created many laws that prevented the working class from unifying, criminalizing Black people and stringing up their supporters among white working people. When the carrot does not work, the masters use the stick. This division still asserts itself today in the form of wages, the judicial and penal systems etc. Black people face the stick without the carrot and whites who turn on white supremacy join them.


Once the ruling class had created ghettos through the Black Codes, they had to contend with the fact that many in the Black working class were beginning to feel the need to arm not only against the state and police abuse, but also for their own self-defense in the horrid conditions inflicted upon them. The class struggle produced many armed groups of left or left-leaning Black people. The most well-known is, of course, the Black Panther Party, but it is only one of several. Before the BPP, there were also the Deacons for Defense and others, who founded themselves for the purpose of defending Civil Rights Movement protesters in the south from KKK and police violence. However, it was the BPP who gained so much prestige that the bourgeoisie was forced in panic to enact stricter gun laws, and it was conservative Ronald Reagan, then governor of California, who passed the 1967 Mulford Act. The bill got its name from Republican Donald Mulford, an assemblyman from Oakland, but it was authored and supported by both Republican and Democratic Party officials, who in spite of all they would have you believe, are united on the question of guns not finding their way into the hands of the oppressed or their comrades. The Mulford Act banned public carrying of firearms in California and was enacted in direct response to the growing threat posed by the Black Panther Party and their supporters in the Communist movement.

Following the Mulford Act of 1967 was the 1968 Gun Control Act, signed into law by Democrat President Lyndon B. Johnson—an act that was supported by the white-supremacist National Rifle Association (NRA). This law restricted manufacturing and owning of firearms, instituted mandatory background checks, and barred convicted felons from possessing firearms. Additionally, it brought about the banning of cheaper firearms that workers could afford because of their association with “inner-city crime.” Felony gun charges are also disproportionately targeted at the working class, and especially at Black people. Likewise, the way the laws are enforced targets Black people, building on the already-established racist history of the gun in the US. Once again, both liberal and conservative forces collude on behalf of white supremacy. The gun rights supposedly established have never been enforced evenly, as can be seen in the cases of Philando Castile, Marissa Alexander, and many other Black people licensed to conceal and carry. These people acted within the law, yet were either shot by police upon discovery of the weapon or incarcerated when it came down to defending themselves with force against assailants.

The question of gun control has once again entered popular discourse at a time when, following Trump’s election, right-wing and white-supremacist populism is on the rise, and school shootings have become commonplace, with devastating social results. However, cases of Black people in the US carrying out mass shootings in schools and churches against random people are not commonplace (we can’t find one at all), and the overwhelming majority of these anti-people massacres are committed by middle-class white men. This is all happening at a time when Black gun ownership is increasing. Once again, liberals and their supporters will collude with conservatives to pass harsher gun laws while selectively protecting “gun rights” to disarm and oppress the Black community and anyone who stands with them. Both liberals and conservatives are reactionary and represent the ideologies of the bourgeoisie.


Open carry, self-defense, and revolution

Texas is an open carry state, where reactionaries and fascists have long brandished weapons against whomever they want to intimidate, all while being protected by the police. More interesting than this is that both Communists and progressive Black nationalists have taken to arming themselves and practicing open carry in self-defense. This development has seen wave after wave of panic and repression from the state on both the local and federal levels. We see self-defense as a necessity and antifascism as self-defense. While it is not our desire to see consistent armed standoffs against better-armed and state-protected opponents, only those with a death wish would march into battle against such an enemy unarmed when it is well within their means to arm. Ideally, we would prefer that they were unarmed and that the street fighting that inevitably takes place any time fascists show up could be carried out without firearms involved. It would be preferable to bash them hard and scare them out of organizing without ever having to consider the possibility of armed escalation. Nonetheless, these are not the conditions we face in Texas as antifascists. Communists do not fight for “gun rights” or the preservation of the Second Amendment any more than we fight for bourgeois gun control. Communists do not open carry to show off firepower or to pose but for one reason: firing when necessary to protect the people from direct threat posed by armed fascists and the reactionary state.

At these actions, it is only the right wing and the fascists who seek escalation, because it is only they who enjoy the protection of the police and bourgeois laws. It is reactionaries who have drawn and pointed loaded pistols, trained their rifles on demonstrators, and so on. Even fascist “news” agency InfoWars has been seen down at city hall crying about Communists being armed. Their Second Amendment hysteria only goes so far, and they too follow suit, begging the bourgeoisie in city office to control the guns of the proletariat. It should also be stressed that Communists at this stage of development are not carrying out armed attacks and especially would not carry these out against civilian targets like schoolchildren or Black churchgoers the way the far right has consistently done. The right wing act in the tradition of gun violence that is inextricably linked to the settler-colonial conquest of the Americas; they are part of this cultural tradition and have their guns aimed at us still.

Mao Zedong said that we must pick up the gun in order to put down the gun. For us, this means that as long as we are dispossessed, then by all means, including guns, we must seek to prevail against our enemies. Only with victory over them can we birth a better world.

Communists believe in armed struggle to overthrow the current ruling class as well to institute the proletarian state, which will use guns to suppress the former ruling class. The question for us is power: revolution and how to develop it toward victory, how to fight counter-revolution after victory, and how to propel socialism forward to communism, to a world where the gun has been put down. It is our position that we cannot win this war by simply enduring death, although endurance is a vital part of a protracted struggle. We insist that it is by inflicting death upon our enemies in power that the power of the proletariat is established, preserving ourselves and destroying the enemy. In this scope, gun rights and gun control do not factor in. The people who must take power—that is, the working people—are already by and large excluded from the rights of the capitalist system, which are rights established to ensure the system’s dominance in the first place.

We do not expect that the ruling class will ever willingly allow the oppressed to truly wield weapons or legally arm themselves. Therefore, when it comes to revolutionary armed struggle, there should be no thought of legality. Revolution itself is a violent, illegal act, but is both just and correct. Anyone who claims to rebel within the confines of the law is not actually rebelling at all—they are merely performing a dance. Follow the strings of the revisionists and you will find the fat hand of the bourgeois puppeteers. For this reason, we make clear demarcations between revolutionary armed struggle and the use of self-defense. Let us also be clear on the fact that self-defense is often not actually guaranteed by law, and that thousands of poor working folks are incarcerated right now for defending themselves. We advocate defending the people and ourselves. To hell with bourgeois laws! What is correct and just seldom corresponds with the laws of this reactionary country anyway.

It has long been our position that serious left-wing groups need to master arms and that in our conditions, it is necessary, although not preferable, to practice open (or concealed) carry against fascists and the right-wing movement, which are already doing this to intimidate or defeat our movements. There can be no other expectation than the state repressing us, and largely either ignoring or encouraging the right to continue with their armed activity.

In fact, there is plenty of evidence to support the position that the state’s permissiveness and encouragement for reactionaries are already taking place in the context of repression against Communists and progressive Black nationalists. The left—that is, progressive Black activists and anti-racists supporters alike—do not enjoy equal rights under the Constitution and are investigated, targeted, and harassed when they begin to arm in self-defense. The state will target even unarmed people in the movement if they think they can strike a blow against the rising tendency of left-wing groups taking up guns.

Repression against Communists and Black nationalists in Texas

Many in the Austin left, and especially those in the militant movements, are aware of increasing state repression over the past two to three years locally—conditions in which no fewer than seven activists have been harassed by the FBI-APD joint anti-terrorism task force. This includes activists who were locked up in county jail as well as ones who were harassed at their homes, and this list can go on to include four or five associates or family members of known activists as well. It is becoming increasingly clear that the activity of the state is more and more coming to resemble a newly reinvigorated COINTELPRO. This includes the use of infiltrators, both in the form of informants as well as agent-provocateurs, not to mention actual undercover law enforcement on the ground at popular actions, as was seen last May 1st when activists witnessed two large “black bloc activists” dressed as anarchists dodge out and jump into a passing police van during a sensitive extraction.

The state relies on varying type of informants who gather information or seek to create problems for local activists. The most visible type of rat is the agent provocateur—people like Brandon Darby and Jesus Mares, who become dejected over time and turn their wrecker activity over to official state services. The character type and personality of these provocateurs are eerily similar; they are in many respects cut from the same cloth. This personality always includes a certain type of bravado, an over-emphasis on weapons and serious illegal actions that have no regard for the political interests of the movement or for the masses in general. For Communists and the revolutionary people, the masses and their class-consciousness are what must be considered to determine whether an action is acceptable. The provocateur, however, lacks this interest in the masses completely and becomes both an ultra-leftist in some respects and a right-opportunist in other respects—after all, ultra-leftism when understood correctly is rightism in essence, as it seeks to liquefy revolutionary politics and revolutionary organizations by disregarding the masses of people. Both Darby and Mares fit this trait, both of them carried out their pig-work, wrecking, and informing in left-wing spaces in Austin, Texas, and both were gun-obsessed before exposure as the rat traitors they really are.

What is particularly concerning is the multitude of victims these provocateur/informants accumulate in a short amount of time through both entrapment and false charges. It seldom stops with just their intended targets and instead puts the whole movement at risk. The purpose, after all, is to serve reaction and to halt or damage the people’s struggles, all in the interests of the bourgeoisie. Informants and state agents are most often focused on guns that are legally procured and owned, because, as usual, the laws of the state are not extended to enemies of the state.



In Austin most recently, two well-respected activists were arrested on this type of false charges leveled by the provocateur/informant Jesus Mares. These two activists, Comrade Dallas and his comrade fiancée, are well loved by their community as well as the revolutionary mass movement in Austin. Comrade Dallas faces a plethora of shaky charges, from aggravated assault to two cases of felon in possession of a firearm (simultaneous charges for the same alleged firearm possession in both state and federal jurisdiction). As has been reported elsewhere, it appears the state and government has been staggering the charges to perpetuate a cycle of release and arrest in order to harass and demoralize him. What’s more, they arrested his pregnant fiancée with such delicate timing as to maximize the psychological impact on both of them as well as their supporters. This psychological operation has not restricted itself to just those two, but has also been used on family and supporters of the two comrades. In addition to all this is an increase in surveillance and intimidation tactics. As time goes by, we should expect to learn of illegal wire taps or home invasions carried out by agents of the state, as well as gaining a deeper understanding of the work carried out by infiltrator Jesus Mares and his snitch partner, Angelica Clark.

Both of our comrades who were arrested are being targeted due to their history of pro-Black and anti-capitalist activism. With no real charges, the state has had to mobilize its infiltrators and informants to level false charges. State repression against Black militants and antifascist/anti-racist activists is not limited to the Austin area. Anyone who espouses liberation and armed self-defense for the masses, and especially the masses of the oppressed nations held captive by the US, is a viable target in the eyes of the state. The Huey P. Newton Gun Club is such an organization.

Our mission is to arm and educate black people in the US and abroad. We realize that this is an international struggle against capitalism and imperialism”—Huey P. Newton Gun Club

Last December, the feds arrested another respected community activist in Dallas, Texas, on more trumped-up gun charges. Rakem Bologun (government name Christopher Daniels) was under FBI surveillance for at least two years before his apartment was raided and he was arrested. The raid took place shortly after the feds made up the category of “Black Identity Extremist,” a label that Rakem had already begun to expose and educate against. Rakem is a community activist and supporter of several groups, including Guerrilla Mainframe and Huey P. Newton Gun Club, and like the two comrades in Austin, he too was well respected by his community. Rakem was targeted because of his ideology and effectiveness in practice. The government saw fit to make an example of him and try to eliminate or persecute a leading Black activist with the scare label “Black Identity Extremist” by charging him (as they charged Comrade Dallas) with unlawful possession of a firearm. The state has made it clear—they fear and detest an armed left-wing movement that, regardless of these witch hunts, is on the rise in this country. Along with the firearms seized in his case was a copy of the book Negroes With Guns by Robert F. Williams, a man famously persecuted by the US state to the point of going into exile, first in Cuba and then in China, where he was photographed with Chairman Mao Zedong. Of the items confiscated, it is Williams’s book that the state truly fears as a deadly weapon, and it is Comrade Rakem’s ideas that they seek to lock away.

rfwillaims and mao

When looking at the cases of these three comrades, we can identify similar approaches and techniques that the reactionary bourgeois state is using. This includes using the politics and ideology of the accused comrades in court and court documents against them. In the case of Rakem, the federal judge viewed a propaganda video from notorious reactionary and fascist “news” source InfoWars, which is based in Austin, and is in no way to be considered objective or reliable journalism, let alone evidence. InfoWars has also waged a similar smear campaign, including a pompous “declaration of war,” against Red Guards Austin. In the former case of protracted harassment by far-right “news,” Rakem was singled out and accused of participation in a large Black open carry protest that occurred in Austin in March of 2015, where during the peak of South by Southwest, Black activists marched on the Capitol Building. It was InfoWars’ twisted reports that sparked the FBI surveillance of Rakem to begin with. InfoWars founder and leader Alex Jones has boasted and claimed that he has semi-frequent phone conversations with proto-fascist president Donald Trump. It would appear that he has the ear of the feds as well. The Department of Homeland Security and the FBI have named the groups in Dallas and Austin in separate documents as either Black Identity Extremists or dangerous Maoists, respectively bringing presumed members, or presumed leaders, under direct government attack.

According to an independent journalist present at Comrade Dallas’s pretrial detention hearing in federal court, federal prosecution wasted no time bringing Comrade Dallas’s politics to the forefront and attempting to center them in the case as he advocated for detention and against bond. The prosecution would go on to claim that Comrade Dallas is a member of the “Austin Red Guards [sic]” without a shred of evidence to support the claim. He would then go on to contradict himself by claiming that Dallas was “kicked out of Austin Red Guard for being too violent.” It appears he cannot decide whether the comrade is in the organization or if he was kicked out.

The hearing took the form of a spectacle as the testifying FBI agent cited past charges that have already been discredited and thrown out (due to lack of evidence and the fact that our comrade is innocent) as evidence that the comrade is a dangerous and violent Communist who must be confined in jail pending trial. When confronted about this by defense attorneys, the agent stumbled, stuttered, and appeared to have little understanding of the facts. The prosecution followed this up by attempting to discredit the comrade’s mother as a liar with “anti-police hatred.” Even though it is not illegal to dislike the police—and in fact it would be highly reasonable for her to dislike the police since DPS (Texas state troopers) attempted to murder her son back in November of 2016—they felt it appropriate to drag her political views into the hearing. The feds simply cannot stand the idea that left-wing activists enjoy the support of both their communities and their families. The state seeks to break up families with prison and destroy working-class communities with drugs etc., not the revolutionary activists. The pretrial hearing ended with the prosecution looking foolish as they attempted to claim Comrade Dallas was a member of an armed unit, complete with classic redbaiting tactics dating back to the 1930s and continuing on through the Cold War. While these tactics might seem anachronistic to some, their longevity is not surprising to our supporters or us.

The state, without hesitation, has made one thing clear: these comrades are targeted due to their ideas and presence of those ideas among the people and only secondarily as supposed criminals. In fact, the state views these comrades as low-hanging fruit. Both of the men charged for possession of firearms were given criminal records as either political activists or due to racist profiling and targeting. The policies of racist gun control and racist gun rights are both wrapped up in these cases.


Contrast the way the government has prosecuted these cases with the soft-touch approach they take to those on the right, including buying Burger King for mass-murdering fascist Dylan Roof upon his arrest, and a grim picture of the state’s reliance on fascist populism comes into focus. Another vivid example occurred in March of this year—while comrades Rakem and Dallas were in federal custody being attacked as a Black Identity Extremist and a Communist, respectively—in the context of a terrorist bombing campaign carried out by a murderous white reactionary by the name of Mark Anthony Conditt. APD’s interim police chief, Brian Manley, called a video Conditt had left behind “the outcry of a very challenged young man talking about challenges in his personal life that led him to this point.” Conditt was portrayed in the media as “mentally ill,” and his neighbors were interviewed saying favorable things about him while the same outlets in an egregious act of victim blaming had just criminalized one of his victims. These same news outlets downplayed Conditt’s Christian fundamentalism and anti-choice bigotry. His violent and reactionary ideology was not used to criminalize him because the state itself is violent and reactionary. Neither the people’s revolutionary organizations in Austin nor the national liberation organizations in Dallas have ever been accused of or carried out such terrorist activity—in fact, the left condemns such acts as anti-people and hence counterrevolutionary. What these organizations do is feed and train their people while fighting for their interests.

Individual acts of terrorism are the hallmark of far-right reactionaries and are not at all a tactic of the left. Revolutionaries staunchly oppose such actions—actions that not only alienate the masses, but also in most cases target them with violence. Conditt is viewed as troubled or misunderstood, and questions were and are asked to the effect of “What pushed him to this point?” while Black activists like Rakem and anti-racist activists like Comrade Dallas are systematically slandered and degraded.

The different approach to the left- and right-wings’ access to arms is made obvious in the way witch hunts are carried out against left-wing and Communist activists even as the right is conducting more and more bold terror campaigns.

People in the Communist movement, as well those in as any other progressive force that values the life and well-being of the masses, oppose individual acts of terrorist violence and instead promote and cultivate work among the masses of people to organize them for the revolutionary cause. Without this type of revolutionary mass organizing, nothing will be accomplished. The flip side to this is the fact that revolutionaries and especially Communists face an onslaught on two fronts: The first is from the state itself in the form of the local police as well as the FBI, the “justice” system, and the courts. The second is from the most backward sections of the civilian population, who are in service of the ruling class. This second category includes fascists and other reactionaries already engaged in anti-people acts of terror. This reality forces the revolutionary movement to guard and defend itself.

Security and self-defense are two vital aspects that must be cultivated without hesitation. This is not to say that these things come naturally. In almost all cases, one must learn by doing—by a process of trial and error. Even the most advanced security and self-defense formations can still be compromised. To many who still lack a revolutionary viewpoint, turncoats and informants will be irreversibly demoralizing and cause them to pack it up and avoid militant or revolutionary politics and practice altogether. Those with a revolutionary viewpoint understand that the enemy, while they appear fierce and even invincible, do not have the support of the people, and so it is only tough in form and not in its essence. Deep down, the enemy is weak and toothless. When it is attacked by the people en masse, it will decompose and be eradicated from the stage of history, ushering in true equality in the ongoing struggle for a classless and stateless society—Communism. This is the viewpoint left-wing activists and revolutionaries in Texas and elsewhere must maintain. Yes, there will be informants. There were informants for the tsar at the top levels of Lenin’s Bolshevik Party, and upon the Party’s victory, they were tried in revolutionary courts and put to death. We must not be destroyed by the short-term view, as Mao teaches Communists must have largeness of mind and that Marxism is positive in spirit. This is what is meant by accomplishing revolutionary optimism. The fact remains that strategically, and with a long-term view, the enemy is weak, and it is the proletariat who will win the world.

The US is and always has been the most violent project

We have established the falseness of the contradiction of gun control versus gun rights and exposed this contradiction as a symbiotic whole—one supporting the other in the overall interests of white supremacy. So then, the question of terrorism, mass shootings, and so on, is not one of gun control versus gun rights, but one of the very nature and origins of this country. The US was born in violent conquest, and it has sustained itself through violent coercion and genocide. It has produced a particularly violent and reactionary culture.

This culture is both a product of and insurance for imperialism. The US is a waning imperialist power, waging endless war and proxy wars in the Third World so that its finance capital can consume and dominate the world. This phenomenon is reproduced at home and is supported by major social divisions, oppression, and injustice. To grasp the essence behind gun violence, one must first understand the reactionary and violent culture produced and reproduced in US society. This is the cause of mass shootings, and the solution to it will not come, as the Democrats and Republican pundits both suggest, through either gun control or increased gun rights. Mainstream “left” and right forces already agree on the matter; they have mostly always agreed and will likely continue to agree.

The solution to the violent culture of the US consists in undoing the legacy of settler-colonialism and slavery, by smashing the prison house of nations, and by replacing it with national liberation and socialism. In a socialist society, anti-people violence will be opposed, the people will harness education, social well-being will replace profit as the purpose and measure of production.

Socialism alone will not do away with violence. Interpersonal assaults and even anti-people activity will persist and have to be struggled against through continued revolution. In this revolution, the masses will come to wield political theory; the science of revolution and socialist culture will radically differ from capitalist US settler culture. Guns will no longer be tools left in the hands of the bourgeoisie and their reactionary, anti-social henchmen. Instead, the masses, once armed with a socialist viewpoint, can be armed militarily and form actual people’s militias. Weapons, contrary to the way they exist now as privately owned commodities, will be wielded by the Red Army, the Communist Party, and the revolutionary mass militias. All of these remain deeply liked with the people by the process of ongoing socialist Cultural Revolution. Only once the whole of the people in the world are armed in this way will we will have achieved communism—a free, fully liberated society where all are equal and there no state and no classes exist.

US capitalism-imperialism has produced a vile social sickness, a worldview in which innocent human life is cheap and expendable. Our class and the people deserve better; they deserve power—real power—which will necessarily grow from the barrel of the gun. For Communists, it is not the guns that are decisive in battle, but the people. This means that even if a general, all-out weapons ban came about tomorrow, it would not fundamentally alter the revolutionary strategy of the proletariat—protracted people’s war—a war in which there is mass participation and the unarmed guerrilla becomes armed by snatching weapons off the enemy. Neither gun control nor gun rights factor into this strategy in a meaningful way.

The conditions in the US are not currently in place to allow the initiation of people’s war, so we instead must attend to the urgent tasks of building the Party, the People’s Army, and the United Front, all of which are connected to the revolutionary masses and their struggles. To accomplish this, and to defend these mass links, community self-defense is of key importance. We Communists do not fetishize the gun or the bourgeois Constitution. On the contrary, we seek to abolish both. We do, however, understand that when then enemy is armed and at your doorstep, you must maximize your chance of fighting back. We understand that even in the stage of accumulating forces, before the initiation of people’s war, revolutionary organizations have no choice but to take self-defense seriously. This means, in most cases, to arm.

A socialist armed society that values human life and the well-being of the people stands in stark opposition to a settler society of armed white reactionaries that, due to gun rights and gun laws, are the conditions we face today. We find it unthinkable to defend rights not won through class struggle but awarded in the interests of slavery and genocide like the Second Amendment. We find it equally unthinkable to fight for reforms that advance gun control in light of the way it has been used primarily for racist ends and in support of repressing our people—the working class and the people of oppressed nations. Our class and the oppressed nations do not possess the luxury of concerning themselves only with bourgeois laws; they must concern themselves with the greater project of human liberation in the form of socialist revolution.

National liberation and the right to self-determination for the oppressed nations!

Organize community self-defense outside of the state!

Let the masses and the dictatorship of the proletariat control the guns!

—Red Guards Austin, 2018


Please support the comrades who are being targeted with state repression:

(Rakem, although no longer in federal custody, is now in the process of rebuilding his life, so we still encourage you to donate.) 

Donate to Rakem here:

Write to Comrade Rakem here:
Christopher Daniels
ID 56601-177
FCI Seagoville
Federal Correctional Institution
PO Box 900
Seagoville, TX 75157


Donate to Comrade Dallas here:

Write to Comrade Dallas here:


From Rapist to Revisionist—McKinley (formerly known as Caleb) Forbes


There are several traumas created by sexual assault and rape. Never does the pain cease with the actual assault—it persists through the investigation, interrogation, through daily life of the victims and survivors as well as their supporters. Even carrying out the necessary task of making left movements aware that a rapist exists within their ranks can be painful and difficult for those who have survived rape. Nonetheless, if we wish to eliminate rape within activist movements and fight it in broader society, protecting potential victims by providing them with the facts, we have to say who these people are and what they are guilty of.  The system invalidates survivors, and the revolution must empower them. Proletarian feminism means taking up the struggle for working women including the use of revolutionary violence and community self-defense. The immediate defensive maneuver is to put the community on notice that a dangerous rapist exists among them.

In September 2016, the local “activist” McKinley Forbes was then living in Virginia and was called Caleb Forbes. Shortly after being accused of rape, Caleb came out as a trans woman and moved to Austin, Texas.  At that time she changed her name to McKinley and began entering into spaces on the periphery of the Maoist movement. Throughout its existence this movement has taken a hard line on rape and sexual assault. Whether the rapist is a man, women or trans person does not weigh heavily on this principle, though most rapists are awarded the social status of men. We will use the name Caleb to describe the actions taken by Forbes before strategically coming out to avoid being outed as a rapist. Evidence provided to us indicates that this coming out was mainly timed as an attempt to swindle money and resources from the LGBT community and to prevent people from making the connection or looking into the name “Caleb Forbes” which all legal process is attached to.  Forbes’s name change and relocation are partially why it took so long for anyone to find out the truth about Forbes.

The survivor in this case will not be named, and we are burdened with telling the story as delicately as possible to minimize the blow back, doing our best to prevent further pain and anguish. We have no choice but to place the interests of potential future victims first by outing Forbes as a rapist and sexual predator. Caleb at this time identified with his assigned gender. Living and presenting as a man, he was therefore awarded the social status of a man. His victim was assigned female at birth and would appear as a woman to society at large. Biology does not determine gender; society does, since gender is a social construct. Therefore, although Forbes’s gender identity may not have aligned with the gender society assigned him, Caleb was awarded the role of man and all privileges that come with it, including legal protection against allegations of sexual abuse and rape. On the other hand, the survivor faces the social status of women, as well as all the legal obstacles and injustice that come with it in a society maintaining vestiges of patriarchy and the oppression of working class women.

We have investigated the allegations of rape, assault and abduction against Forbes and found them to be true. We will provide what background we can without naming the survivor or any details which would publicly reveal her. Caleb Forbes used the app Tinder to prey on women from left leaning movements, playing up politics to meet people to take advantage of, and in this case, carry out a rape/abduction and strangulation. The survivor at no point indicated an interest in sex and at no point consented to sexual activity. Sex with Caleb was never on the table. In fact, the survivor’s bio on Tinder made it very clear that the survivor was only seeking platonic relationships and friendships. The survivor was invited over to Caleb’s apartment on the pretext of having a meal, watching TV, and getting to play with his German Shepherd. However, Caleb had plans to lure the survivor into his room where he proceeded to handcuff, abuse, rape and strangle her.

Faced with this level of violence and left with bruises, wounds, and injuries, the survivor suffered immense pain, anguish, and humiliation.  Through the pain and fear of active assault and rape it is not uncommon for victims to freeze up and go almost catatonic, despondent, or cause them to disassociate. Abusive people can use this involuntary response as grounds to say “she didn’t say no,” which is exactly the argument Forbes would make to the police investigators on the case. Silence and paralysis from fear do not constitute consent. There is no justice in this system for survivors of rape and abuse. If the people want justice, revolutionaries must give it to them, or they must take it themselves. Through a series of photos (provided to our supporters), text messages (between the survivor and Forbes), as well as interviews we have conducted, it becomes clear that the survivor was gripped with the threat of facing even more abuse at the hand of Forbes and made up an emergency to leave Forbes’s apartment and seek safety elsewhere. We applaud the courage this took and are grateful of the courage it still takes for the survivor to come forward.

After the incident, Forbes made sure to inform the victim that he had seen her car around (Forbes, being a pizza delivery driver at the time in a small town, reasonably knew where she lived). After just being assaulted violently and sexually this was taken by the survivor as a threat. We do not doubt in the slightest that this is exactly how Forbes meant it to be taken. Out of this fear and on professional advice from doctors the survivor filed charges. This further caused damage to the survivor as is most often the case when law enforcement is involved. The police investigated the case, but while Forbes admits to the handcuffing and sex acts, he claimed the victim was willing. Taking paralysis and silence as consent was enough for the bourgeois legal system to drop the charges, even though the survivor at no time gave verbal or non-verbal consent and had forensic evidence and injuries. The survivor did not know Forbes before the day of the assault, abduction, and rape, and only had limited interaction up to that point.

Of course the society we live in blames victims for seeking companionship, company or using apps like Tinder, despite the fact that many people use Tinder and similar apps to find friends. People like Forbes rely greatly on the existence of rape culture to hide their vicious activity. Forbes, pretending to be an activist and going along with platonic conversation, manipulated a woman who sought friendship and comradeship into a near deadly, life destroying situation, and has gotten away with it until now.

Revolutionaries seek the people’s justice which does not take the word of people like Forbes over the word of the people they oppress in the context of hard evidence and testimony. Time and again the Austin Maoist movement has investigated allegations of abuse and sought justice for victims by publicizing abuser’s crimes and pressuring them out of organizing and out of the city. It was because of this that a comrade of the victim was able to suggest she contact the Revolutionary Student Front in order to warn other activists about Forbes, who she knew had moved to Austin due to social media. Forbes became our problem by moving to our city, posing a threat to our people. We hope to not only seek justice for the survivor in this case but to make sure that more victims are not accrued by this monster who is now going by the name McKinley Forbes.

Forbes moves to Austin

forbs la riva

Forbes was well known on left leaning and postmodernist internet spaces for a fundraiser she put out claiming that her parents kicked her out for being trans. However, when she was still identifying as a man and going by her government name Caleb, she lived in an apartment with roommates and not with her parents. Forbes raised over 3,000 dollars through crowd funding and tapped into a housing program for trans people run by the Revolutionary Alliance of Trans People Against Capitalism, a revolutionary mass organization which supports the Austin Maoist movement and now goes by the name Stonewall Militant Front.

Without changing presentation, only names and pronouns, Caleb became McKinley and began frequenting left-spaces and joined RATPAC through the housing program. In a short time, Forbes is flagged as a potential security risk by movement people for displaying erratic and confusing behavior at actions, as well as asking too many questions about Red Guards membership and trying to cozy up to who she thought may be leaders. At this point any avenues to work beyond RATPAC were officially closed off.  It was believed that in some way or another, Forbes was not who she claimed to be, but evidence to this was not available at the time.

Forbes moved to Austin to work in the tech industry, an industry which is the main accelerant of violent displacement in our working class communities. Tech workers are a ranging strata of petty bourgeoisie, but as people who work they are not outright class enemies. The vast majority of tech workers become enemies when they gentrify working class areas, like E. Chavez and E. Riverside. They can also become friends of the working class of Austin by turning on their class interests, standing against gentrification and with the people. It is their class stand that matters more than their actual job. As was already detailed in a report from RATPAC, Forbes marketed RATPAC’s community programming to developers and was awarded the position of CEO in a startup built exactly off the RATPAC housing program, showcasing exactly which class Forbes stands with.

With this opportunistic and capitalist maneuver, Forbes made a lot of enemies in the revolutionary movement, and had to seek friendship outside of it with others like her; people who wave a red flag but are in reality capitalists themselves. Forbes stopped claiming to be a “Maoist” as she did while attending RATPAC meetings and events, just as she had stopped claiming to be an “anarchist” who was “avoiding j20 prosecution” when she first arrived in Austin (we do not believe she was actually facing any charges). With no one else to turn to, Forbes began cozying up to the revisionists and crypto-fascist-Trotskyites of the Party for Socialism and Liberation (PSL) and joined their front group “People’s Congress of Resistance.” She also sought out and snuggled up to wreckers in other cities who still claim to be Maoists, like Christopher Winston, who took up her cause and claimed the Austin Maoists were bullies for not supporting this CEO thief on the basis of her identity as a “trans woman”.  It is particularly concerning that Forbes now controls an app which gives her access to an already at risk community considering her track record.

These issues with Forbes in Austin took place over a year ago. Forbes was already unwelcome in Maoist controlled spaces, but others still welcomed her, and we left that as it was. From this point on, now that it is clear that Forbes has been accused of grievous patriarchal crimes against the people, anyone working with, giving a platform to, breaking bread with, or associating with Forbes publicly in left or activist spaces in Austin will be seen as harboring a rapist. If Forbes shows her face anywhere she will be confronted as others before her have been.  While we do not seek collateral damage, we are not surgeons and will not be held back. Standing or walking with Forbes should be understood as a dangerous activity.

Forbes is a violent premeditated rapist, a revisionist, a scam artist, and a gentrifier. PSL and its affiliated projects are hereby put on notice: you can either isolate Forbes by sharing a public statement that she is not allowed in your spaces, or stand by Forbes and attempt to protect this rapist scum at your own risk.  To Forbes herself: you chose the wrong city to move to. We are not like the police who will let abusers off the hook so easily. Go ask Steven Walters or Carlos Salamanca, go look into the case of the now deceased Richard Morrisett. The people’s justice will see to it that Forbes either hides in fear or submits to a people’s court verdict.

Nowhere should be safe for rapists, especially rapists who carefully try to conceal their past from the movement. Forbes poses a multitude of threats to women activists and fellow travelers as well as the public at large. She cannot be seen as anything but a monster to be destroyed. While it is our position that many who have engaged in patriarchal violence can and must be reformed, many others elude justice and use the sexist, racist system to their advantage. In order to transform, abusers have to own up to the allegations and submit to a process carried out by revolutionaries. Anything short of this forces revolutionaries to pass judgment and carry out the verdict on their own with the support they can muster.

We here and now find McKinley Forbes guilty of premeditated rape, abduction, strangulation, and covering it up. We find McKinley Forbes guilty of opportunism, revisionism, and using activism and politics to access victims. Forbes is hereby banned from all public spaces in Austin and we ask our supporters as well as the people in general to carry out this ban. If you see Forbes or her supporters anywhere, bring it to the attention of everyone present that Forbes is a rapist, demand Forbes leave, and if possible, make Forbes leave. Feel free to send us an anonymous tip of the whereabouts and movements of this scum. We lack the power to force transformation in this case, and will use what power we do have to make living in Austin and being in public unbearable for this anti-woman monster.

Our movements are only as good as we make them. People are only safe when others fight on their behalf. We aim to fight every step of the way. We have little hope that PSL will take action on this matter considering that they are vile revisionists with a history of bad gender practice, racism, and Trotskyite ideas. The PSL represents an enemy tendency and we aim to fight their organizing efforts in our city and encourage others to do the same. Enough with harboring rapists like Forbes. If you have information on Forbes or other rapists in the Austin left, please notify your local revolutionary organizations.

Unleash the power of women as a mighty force against capitalism!

Give no ground to revisionism!

Fight rapists in the street!

—Red Guards Austin, 2018

Guest Article from the Class Struggle

We are hosting a guest article about local anti-gentrification struggles in Southeast Austin. This joint statement from Serve the People – Austin, Defend Our Hoodz, and Revolutionary Student Front highlights the role of salaried activists in administrating poverty and displacement on behalf of the ruling class. We extend our solidarity and revolutionary support to their fight. Please get involved with these struggles and oppose revisionism and class traitors of all kinds who wish to profit off the people!


Sell-out and poverty pimp, Susana Almanza


Dump Sell-Out Organizers: Dare to Win Against the Gentrifiers!

Tomorrow, the anti-CodeNEXT group Community not Commodities is hosting a panel entitled “Real Solutions for Austin’s Gentrification Crisis.” Many who are under attack by greedy developers are desperate for real solutions, and they may hope to find some from these prominent activists, non-profit leaders, and so-called progressive developers.

For people who actually want to defend their homes, however, there will be nothing to gain from these pretentious panelists, who are what we call reformists. They have made a name for themselves in opposing some gentrifying projects, but they have consistently watered down their defiance and compromised with those who have invaded our hoods, ripped our families apart, and displaced so many. As professional organizers, their jobs depend on having a seat at the negotiating table alongside the developers and city officials, and they have demonstrated that they will do whatever it takes to keep those seats, even if it means selling out the communities they supposedly want to protect.

Susana Almanza, the head of nonprofit PODER and president of the Montopolis Neighborhood Contact Team, is the unofficial guest of honor at tomorrow’s panel. Anyone wanting to get paid for activism in Austin must pay respects to this self-anointed Queen of the eastside. She commands such a level of authority among the organized left in this city that reformists—that is, activists ambitious to make a career selling out—are afraid to criticize her for fear of being banished from her circles.

We have no desire to make money off of our activism, and so we have no problem calling Almanza what she is: a vendida, a sell-out. When the historic site of the Montopolis Negro School was at risk of being demolished, Almanza stated at a city commission meeting that she would defend the unoccupied building with her “war weapons.” Her followers applauded this fiery bravado at the time, but we wonder where she hid these war weapons when the communities of Cactus Rose and Thrasher Lane were under siege by developers? In both of these cases, she worked against community organizing, squashed resistance, and pushed the terms offered by developers. We frankly do not care what Almanza did decades ago. What is important to know for anyone seeking help from her or her friends is her shameful track record of the past two years.

The Cactus Rose mobile home park had begun organizing in 2015 to protest the plans of parasite developer company Oden Hughes to turn their 30-year-old neighborhood into luxury apartments. The community association president Saúl Madero was a talented organizer who had done a great job of alerting his neighbors to the impending danger and inspiring them to fight. However, when Susana Almanza got involved, she deposed Madero and kicked out the legal aide that had come to assist the tenants. The community association had written a statement demanding that they wanted to stay together, but Almanza scrapped it in favor of her own plan of brokering relocation pay-offs. She excluded any dissenting tenant or outside ally from meetings, and shut down those who wanted to rebel against the developers by chastising them with the threat of eviction. In the end, tenants received a few thousand dollars and had to move out. Some had been living there for decades. Others had to sell their homes that they had worked on for years because they were too old to move. Madero had to sell his home and was forced to move his family into a storage unit.


Cactus Rose community before Almanza got involved.

Few of those outside these communities criticized Almanza for this clear-cut case of doing the developer’s dirty work for them, and many were bold enough to claim that she helped them. That’s what the people of Thrasher Lane Mobile Home Park had heard when they were rallying to defend themselves against another parasite developer. In March of 2017, their landlord threatened to evict them all in 30 days. One of the tenants had heard that Almanza had helped Cactus Rose.

The site of Thrasher Lane after tenants were forced out.


Some of the tenants, including Carolina Sanchez, wanted to fight the landlord’s plans and felt like what was happening was unjust. Rather than supporting the tenants’ resistance or even engaging in a dialogue with them, Almanza instead invited a representative of the Thrasher Lane property owner to participate in the community meetings. By doing so, she effectively sabotaged any hopes the community had of mounting an opposition to the threat of displacement. Sanchez said that Almanza was in a rush to close the deal rather than determine what the community wanted.

Some of the tenants, including Carolinza Sanchez, wanted to fight the landlord’s plans and felt like what was happening was unjust. Rather than supporting the tenants’ resistance or even engaging in a dialogue with them, Almanza instead invited a representative of the Thrasher Lane property owner to participate in the community meetings. By doing so, she effectively sabotaged any hopes the community had of mounting an opposition to the threat of displacement. Sanchez said that Almanza was in a rush to close the deal rather than determine what the community wanted.

As she did with Cactus Rose, Almanza bargained a few thousand dollars for each of the tenants, and they were all kicked out. Some became homeless after. Others have been forced to move to RV campgrounds, where tenant protection laws are practically non-existent. All have struggled to survive after their lives were uprooted, in part thanks to Almanza’s scheming.

These are the “real solutions” Almanza has to offer people endangered by gentrifiers. Tomorrow’s panel predictably identifies gentrification as an abstract crisis, as opposed to yet another form of violence that the capitalist class unleashes on the working class. Neither Almanza nor her allies want to frame gentrification as a war between the capitalist class and everyone else, because they would expose themselves as siding with the enemies of the people. Almanza does not believe this is a war the working class can win, so if you’re expecting her to fight for you, you may be disappointed when she immediately starts hammering out the terms of surrender. If you disagree with her, expect retaliation. As the examples above show, there is no working with Almanza, there is only working for or against her.

It may sound like an exaggeration to call gentrification a war, but a quick look at the recent history of Austin illustrates the savagery and carnage that has been unleashed on the working class. In 2009, parasites Grayco Partners promised the city to help pay the relocation assistance for the hundreds of tenants at Shoreline apartments, but then turned around and kicked them all out without paying many a dime. In 2015, parasites Cypress Real Estate Advisors tortured the residents of Lakeview apartments into moving out by turning off their utilities and ignoring maintenance requests. Cypress was also behind the redevelopment of Thrasher Lane. Also that year, predators F&F Real Estate Ventures demolished the Jumpolin pinata store without warning to make room for a SXSW show. In a revealing interview, F&F owner Jordan French referred to the Mexican-American family who owns Jumpolin as “cockroaches.” These are only a few examples in a long history of developers backstabbing, degrading, and brutalizing our hoods.

If this is war, why do we listen to fools like Almanza who tell us to respect our enemies? These parasite developers do not deserve to be heard out or appeased. They are nothing like us. Michael Whellan, the lawyer representing the parasitic would-be Ballpark developers, could not even remember what the minimum wage was when asked by a community member at a recent meeting. They exist in a different world than us and are so money-crazy that they do not even see us as human beings. They only see the millions of dollars they could make with the land under our feet.

These professional organizers say they represent the people, but the reality is that the work they do is always a service to the developers. Ultimately, their allegiance is to their careers. After Almanza lost a city council runoff election to her brother Pio Renteria in 2014, she donated $10,000 of the money she had raised in her campaign to her non-profit PODER. At the time, she was PODER’s only paid staff person. She eventually had to return the $10,000 after local publication The Austin Bulldog exposed her attempt at embezzlement.

Surely others besides us recognize Almanza as a two-faced traitor. All you have to do is go to city hall, where you can catch her being buddy-buddy with agents like Whellan, sharing jokes and exchanging pleasantries. It is not just Almanza, either. Anyone who chooses to fight gentrification by following the rules of the people responsible for the violence will always get caught up in the sell-out game. Play nice with the developers long enough and they will start to look like friends, friends who will smile and shake hands with you even as they use you to pursue their money-making agenda. Whether she admits it or not, Almanza has been used like a tool by developers—a weapon they use to deceive and defraud people—and anyone who subscribes to her brand of politics will be used in the same way.


If Almanza and her allies are such obvious pawns in the developer’s sick game, than why does she continue to pull weight? Because the alternative is scary. If we understand gentrification for what it is, a war, we have to accept the real danger that comes with fighting in a war.

Right now, the gang of greedy investment capitalists who own the properties of the North, South, West, and East Ballpark complexes have filed a rezoning application with the city that, if approved, would allow them to replace the current affordable apartments with a luxury paradise for the well-off. Tenants can expect no real support from the city, who incentivized this redevelopment when city council passed the East Riverside Corridor Plan. The policy is part of the city’s larger strategy to accommodate the tech workers flooding in to work at the new Oracle headquarters as well as to converge the frontlines of gentrification south of the river with those happening along Cesar Chavez on the northside.

Ballpark property management recently sent out a misleading notice to residents advising them that this project would not happen for years and that it was nothing to worry about for now. In fact, the application is currently under staff review at the city, and if it is cleared by them it will likely go to the planning commission before the end of the year and then to city council shortly after that. Make no mistake: it will not take years to decide the fate of the Ballpark apartments. The battle will be won or lost over the coming months.

It is a terrifying prospect to have on your doorstep. Even as we have just begun to start organizing with the tenants, we have already seen the viciousness of our enemies. At our first march through Ballpark, the property owners hired additional security and also had several pigs in squad cars. When one tenant was knocking on neighbors’ doors to inform them about what is happening, property manager Logan Stansell-you-out called the pigs on him.

As frightening as this may seem, a wise man once said it is good to be attacked by the enemy, because that means that they are scared. The redevelopment of Ballpark is by no means a done deal. The rezoning process is a long and delicate process, with many opportunities for it to go wrong. In the case of Thrasher Lane’s redevelopment, all it took was one city commissioner hearing about what had happened to the former tenants to reject the rezoning application. By no means should we count on something like that happening at Ballpark, but the point is the developers can’t count on things going their way either.

With the few direct actions and organizing we have already done with Ballpark tenants, we have struck fear in the hearts of the developers. They know that if enough of Ballpark’s large population got together, chances are their profit-driven pipe dream would disintegrate. We do not anticipate they will go down without a fight, because for them millions of dollars are on the line.

As much as the developers have to lose, the Ballpark residents stand to lose even more. If we do not organize and act soon, people will be expelled from their homes, their children will be torn from their schools, and their lives will be irreversibly damaged. We cannot and will not let that happen.

We are reassured by the success of principled community organizing around the country. In Pittsburgh, STP organizers rallied the community against parasite John Costello, forcing him to back off his threats to evict a tenant. In Kansas City, STP organizers put pressure on parasite Paul Truong for his abuses of a tenant to the point that he offered a thousand dollars to get them to stop (they didn’t). In Los Angeles, STP organizers have worked with the Defend Boyle Heights coalition to militantly combat gentrification in their area, leading recently to the closure of gentrifying art gallery 356 Mission. It is possible to win against gentrification, but we must really believe it is possible to win if the people unite and fight back militantly—and then dare to make it happen.

The Ballpark residents shouldn’t have to fight on their own, either. The bitter reality is that Ballpark is only the most immediate step of a long-term strategy to completely destroy all of Riverside as we know it, greedily devouring its many neighborhoods for profit. If Ballpark goes, not only would it mean the loss of hundreds of affordable apartments, but it would also ramp up property values, propelling the cycle of gentrification. The developers would move on to the next target and the next, until tens of thousands of people if not more have been forcibly run out. Nor would they stop even if they conquered all of Riverside. The end of Ballpark would be a blow to the entire working class of Austin.

We call on all tenants of Ballpark and Town Lake, and the people of Riverside and all other communities threatened by developers to have the courage to fight back. For too long our class has succumbed to the violence and exploitation of developers and the city, but we have the numbers and the strength to make them obey us. In this war, we cannot take the path of reformists like Almanza, which corrupts well-meaning activists and turns them into puppets. The working class must forge a new path on our own terms, where we call the shots and the developers beg us for mercy.

We are resolved and disciplined in our march down this path of militant resistance—this path that can win—and more join our ranks every day. And anyone who thinks they can block or derail us—Whellan, Almanza, or whoever—better stay the hell out of our way.

Serve the People – Austin

Defend Our Hoodz/Defiende El Barrio – Austin

Revolutionary Student Front – Austin

Report Back from May Day 2018 in Austin


Fuck marching downtown—we took to the streets of the popular neighborhoods where the working-class and oppressed nations masses live and socialize. Baptize yourself in the struggles of the people, and you will rise anew. Activist traditions from the middle class advocate for doing the same thing every year in a controlled location far away from the toiling classes. This year, instead of our previous downtown marches, we determined to be among the people so that we could better facilitate interaction and control the message we put out.

An unpermitted illegal march took place in the East Riverside neighborhood, which we refer to as the 41. The 41 is now in the main crosshairs of big real estate developers who want to gentrify the neighborhood and force out its traditionally working-class population, much the same way that these vultures and their paid activists have done to the 02 just across the river.


The neighborhood people responded enthusiastically to the chants in both Spanish and English, which denounced enemies of the people whether they are the police, developers, or ICE agents. Our message was clear: What do we have? Nothing! What do we want? Everything! This means that the workers of the world have the world to win. The working class is the future, and the bourgeoisie’s days are numbered—they have no future at all.


The police were slow to respond in spite of the fact that they treat the 41 as a colony under police occupation. They bust our neighbors’ doors down, crack skulls, and maraud around nightly. What they fear is the unity between militants and the masses, and what they fear the most is the founding of a real Communist Party that can more and more effectively push them out. The masses cry out for power, and the police are the first line of defense for the parasitic class.


To celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of the French May ’68 rebellion, the march included a large photo of Comrade Pierre, who was a fighter in May ’68, as a memorial. Comrade Pierre is as immortal as the spirit of 1968. Let the memories of fallen fighters inspire us to do better each and every year.


From start to finish, the masses, especially working-class oppressed-nations people, stood to watch or walk alongside the march. They were positive and overwhelmingly receptive. Supporters helped handing out literature to the people to ensure as many as possible got the message about revolutionary May Day. Two working-class youths stuck with half of the march and were given bandanas with hammers and sickles on them.  The youth were excited about literature and were eager to hear about Communism.


The response from the people is where our victories can be found. A liberal-NGO parade downtown cannot meaningfully interact with the masses and the youth of the working class and oppressed nations. Instead they conceal their views while Communists unabashedly fly the glorious red flag of our martyrs—emblazoned with the international symbol of the workers and peasants.

White May Day, put on last year by the Austin Social(fasc)ist Collective, did not manage to make an appearance this year, as Red May Day persisted in the Communist spirit of anti-revisionism and independence for the fourth year running. We vow to increase the pressure and throw our full support around conquering the 41 in the name of the working class. We will do the patient and necessary work to make good use of the contacts developed this May Day, and we will mobilize the people as a mighty torrent against gentrification, displacement, and other capitalist abuses we suffer daily. We urge all supporters to get involved with fighting back against the landlords, NGOs, and big real estate developers who wish to devour the Ballpark Apartments and replace them with a sprawling monstrosity of condos and boutique shops for the wealthy only. They intend for Ballpark to be an appetizer before continuing to consume all of Riverside—we intend to make them choke on this bite.

The working-class masses are the real heroes and we salute them first and foremost on International Workers’ Day 2018!

—Red Guards Austin, May 2018

Update on UT Antifa 3


It’s almost been a year and a half since three Austin antifascists were arrested on the University of Texas campus on trumped-up charges. The charges resulted from an action that day in which students on the campus decided to take matters into their own hands after the university neglected to cover up racist graffiti that students demanded for months be removed. Naturally the UT police found the action of covering up racist graffiti far more offensive than having a white-power symbol staying up for months where many would pass it every day on what claims to be a “diverse” campus. The UT Antifa 3 were accosted by campus police and subsequently each were charged with “graffiti resulting in damages over $1,500,” a charge that carries a sentence of up to two years in jail.

We are happy to report back that all charges of these comrades have been dismissed. For a year and a half these comrades were dragged in and out of court and we are happy that they no longer have to deal with such a ridiculous case. This is a victory for Austin antifascists. Since this action we have seen antifascism grow on campus, particularly through the brave and tireless work of the Revolutionary Student Front. We hope the action and victory of these comrades inspires similar actions in antifascists everywhere.

We would like to thank everyone who supported us in this struggle against the campus pigs. We want to especially thank those who donated to their legal funds. Without such generous donations, we would not have been able to afford their legal team. We can’t say enough how much countrywide and international solidarity means for the comrades here in Austin who face decades of prison time between them all. We will continue to fight, we will continue to win, and we will never apologize for our politics, nor will we dial them back in fear of repression.

Antifascists: 1 | UT Pigs: 0

Drown fascism in a sea of resistance!

—Red Guards Austin, 2018

May 1, 2018

may 1 poster

International Workers’ Day

International Workers’ Day should be grasped as both celebration and rebellion. Communists must not content themselves with only one aspect of this duality. We cannot and will not dumb down our rebelliousness by carrying out routine socializing and call it “resistance.” This is to say that we will not be going to picnics, sit-ins, or other such pageants while pretending to “communize space.” For us, communism is inseparable from resistance. International Workers’ Day holds special significance as it was born in the blood of the working class in their struggles for the eight-hour workday. It is not honorable to simply sit around an area where one is already legally permitted to be and comply with the terms of the reactionary state.

Last year’s May Day activity in Austin serves as a perfect demarcation between our politics and those of soft social-democrats and revisionists. Revolutionary, anti-imperialist, and antifascist forces were targeted for attack by a loose coalition of fascists, and although it made us stronger, this fact was celebrated by those who admittedly tailed Austin politics-as-usual, collaborate with NGOs, and push for docile actions and symbolic acts only—never rebelling, always watering down their socialism until it is a drink palatable to their capitalist masters. There are still two May Days: their May Day that is white in color and ours that is red.

May Day means internationalism

There can be no localized May Day that can fully honor its heritage and history. We are but part of the world revolution, part of the global proletariat’s righteous battle against exploitation, oppression, and injustice. We wish to extend our solidarity to those in the fight. Red salute to the communist and communist-led movements across the world, especially those in countries oppressed by US imperialism. These include the parties waging people’s war, the Communist Party of Turkey/Marxist-Leninist, the Communist Party of India (Maoist), the Communist Party of the Philippines, and the Maoist Communist Party of Manipur.

Red salute to those who are not yet at the stage of people’s war but march with us steadily toward that goal. These include especially parties and pre-party formations in Latin America, one of the storm centers of world revolution, Current of the People Red Sun (Mexico), Communist Party of Brazil (Red Faction), Communist Party of Ecuador – Red Sun, Popular Movement of Peru (Reorganization Committee), Red Faction of the Communist Party of Chile, Revolutionary Front of the People of Bolivia MLM, and Maoist Organization for the Reorganization of the Communist Party of Colombia.

We extend our utmost solidarity to Maoist organizations struggling in the imperialist centers. These include the Maoist Communist Party of France, the Maoist Communist Party of Italy, Committee for the Construction of the Communist Party (Maoist) of Galicia, Committees for the Founding of the (Maoist) Communist Party of Austria, Committee Red Flag (Germany), Jugendwiderstand (Germany), Tjen Folket (Norway), and the Revolutionary Communist Party (Canada).

Maoism lives, and it is spreading across the globe. Communism is and will always remain a threat to the bourgeois order; we are but a small part of the glorious struggle of the proletariat.

Maoism in the US


The US Maoist party-building effort has seen great strides over the past year. Revisionists have been driven out and into obscurity while genuine Marxist-Leninist-Maoist (principally Maoist) organizations have approached closer to their goal of unifying under a singular democratic centralism. Our respect and solidarity goes to our sister organizations Red Guards Los Angeles, Red Guards Kansas City, Red Guards Pittsburgh, and Red Guards Charlotte. We extend our solidarity to organizations that are under the Red Guards banner even if it is not reflected in the name, including Revolutionary Association of Houston and Red Path Saint Louis as well as our close comrades in San Marcos Revolutionary Front. These organizations will spread and advance each year. They form the embryo of the communist party we aim to build.

Our respects to the revolutionary organizations of the masses across the US prisonhouse, organizations that inspire and provide lessons in class struggle daily. These include Serve the People organizations in Austin, Kansas City, Los Angeles, Charlotte, Houston, and Pittsburgh. In Austin, STP has lit the way by inspiring service programs to start in other cities with a diversity of struggle. They have wasted no time fundraising for political prisoners and holding antifascist concerts, all while engaged in supporting tenants’ struggles in the ongoing war against gentrification. In Houston STP has organized in neighborhoods affected by Hurricane Harvey, distributing goods, gutting houses, and carrying out political education among the people. In Los Angeles, STP is at the head of the movement in both tenant organizing and anti-gentrification for the neighborhood of Boyle Heights. They have helped their comrades in Defend Boyle Heights to shut down at least three gentrifying art galleries, and have helped to formulate working-class women’s self-defense. In Kansas City, STP increases the pressure against slumlords and has been bold and daring in their confrontations. In Pittsburgh, STP has maintained a steady presence among the most oppressed of their city and also taken up the tenant struggle as well as antifascist and anti-gentrification work. In Charlotte, STP has drawn clear lines against abusers and identity politicians, conducting anti-police work, cultural work, and other campaigns on behalf of their community. As Serve the People steadily grows across the country, they do so via their actions, demarcating them greatly from charity organizations that leech from the respect the name carries in hopes of conning the masses.

Serve the People stands as the main embryo of the infrastructure to come under socialism. By empowering the community on the local level and mobilizing them against class enemies, they set up people’s organizations and can develop people’s committees, which administer affairs outside the control of the state. These institutions will grow and one day help devour our enemies. This growth cannot occur independently of class struggle and confrontation. Serving the people means fighting back. Nothing is won without bloodshed. The working class is developing the means to control their own communities and push out any enemy who would seek to maintain control on behalf of the ruling class.

Austin maintains a presence of revolutionary mass organizations that exist to mobilize and organize the masses in their day-to-day class struggles; we wish to extend our comradely greetings to these orgs, which include Stonewall Militant Front, Defend Our Hoodz, and Revolutionary Student Front. SMF, which was formerly known as the Revolutionary Alliance of Trans People Against Capitalism, holds the forefront of working-class LGBT struggles. This trench of combat has long been left in the clutches of NGOs and bourgeois liberal organizers. SMF seeks to change this by carrying proletarian politics into the struggle of those facing the secondary aspects of this anti-woman system. RSF takes up the student trench and has raised the bar for student organizing in the US. Having taken up the call to put proletarian feminism into militant practice, they have led campaigns against campus-based misogynists in positions of authority and inspired bold actions like the dyeing of the UT fountain red and the adornment of nearby walls with revolutionary graffiti. DOH continues to deepen the revolutionary anti-gentrification struggle, mobilizing oppressed-nation and working-class people against violent displacement. These organizations enrich and advance the revolutionary movement in Austin, and it has been our honor to march with them on previous May Days.

Red May Day, past and present



This May Day marks the fiftieth anniversary of the French May ’68 uprising, in which students and workers shut the country down, struggling against both the capitalists in power and the revisionists who served them. Student and worker occupations and uprising brought the French economy to a halt and sent shock waves across the world. The major union CGT, which was at that time controlled by the Soviet-aligned Communist Party of France, tried in vain to channel the outrage of the masses into complacency via narrow economic demands (a rise in wages), but the masses and the revolutionaries were not fooled. This popular uprising was in part inspired by the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution in China, and it too saw its share of Maoist activity. A party that could seize state power had not yet been formed, and in a short time the rebellions were quelled with parliamentarianism. It was in this struggle against capitalism and US imperialism however that our Comrade Pierre cut his teeth in revolutionary organizing. His passing last year reminds us that the spirit of ’68 still burns in the hearts of revolutionaries the world over. He would go on to help found the Maoist Communist Party of France, which carries on in his tradition. This is the type of party the French working class needs as its vanguard. It offers both the spirit of ’68 as well as corrections to its shortcomings. We are proud to support the PCM and call them comrades.


For three years we have led and organized May Day actions in Austin, and we will not relent. The first, in 2015, was in solidarity with the mass rebellions in Ferguson, Missouri, and Baltimore, Maryland. This demonstration drew out mass support and halted Austin traffic, frustrating the police department’s efforts to maintain and control it. Red flags filled the streets as the imperialist US flag was burned to ashes that were carried in the wind out to the Colorado River.

In 2016 we led an unprecedented march against gentrification, which took our fight to the heart of occupied Rainey Street and other gentrified places, where enemies were confronted and streets shut down. Multiple altercations occurred, but the people could not be deterred or discouraged. The message of Red May Day was carried not only to the enemy but among the people of East Austin, who face the brunt of capitalist exploitation and national oppression.

In 2017 we stood off against well-organized fascists while the police stood down and the revisionists hid in safety with the NGOs and local liberal politicians. This last year we also celebrated the hundredth anniversary of the October Revolution. It is our aim to keep the spirit of Red May Day alive and fighting in the streets of Austin, Texas.

We have nothing and we want everything!


The working class of Austin has been pushed out of the city’s center and into a deeper and lower state. Rent increases and attacks against us continue. The working class does not control what it produces; it has no control over media either. It has no control over education or the lives of its own children. As a class, we have been dispossessed and are disposed of when exploitation is no longer desirable or tenable. We are used and discarded like old farming equipment and we spend our lives in a rat race just to make ends meet. But the days of this degradation and misery are numbered, and it is by the proletariat constituting for itself a party that the roles will be reversed. The working class will win its liberation and the owning class will be repressed by the revolutionary state.

This will be the fourth year of Red May Days in our city. Fascist attacks and increased state repression will not drive us into inactivity or into the arms of revisionism. Police abuse, gentrification, sexism, racism, and US imperialism have not relented and we must not relent in our fight against them. We have no desire to reveal our plans for this year’s May Day to either the state or non-state class enemies. Let them know us by our deeds. Any revolutionary organization working among the people will earn its red flag in action.

We live in remarkable times; the world revolution has entered the stage of strategic offensive. Imperialism has divided the world and continues in its plunder. It is a dying beast wounded by its own greed and compulsion. It can simply go no further, and only socialism can replace it. Our slogan is “People’s War until Communism.” This means that until communism has transformed the lives of everyone on earth—when all classes and states have been abolished—there will be ongoing and raging people’s wars to end the old way and bring in the new.

Communist parties the world over must reconstitute themselves on the basis of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism (principally Maoism). These parties can and will abolish the old world and usher in a new epoch. All around, imperialism is in decay as it gorges itself on dead workers. We are now armed with greater unity among the Maoists of the US, who have begun to militarize, gaining small victories in class combat. These organizations are the embryo of the communist party that will take state power and impose the dictatorship of the proletariat. In all countries of the world, communists must build or reconstitute their parties and begin serious preparation for armed struggle. We must not compromise by endorsing bourgeois parties at the expense of proletarian internationalism—for it is only the communist party that can serve as the vanguard of the people.

Revisionism will be swept away and the imperialist world will tremble. We stand at the threshold of a new world, a world that will be won by communists through revolutionary violence. Each May Day we march steadily closer to our goal of taking up our post in the people’s wars of proletarian world revolution. Communists must reject the phony “left” that stifles the creativity of the masses. We must strive for our own independent actions to celebrate our struggles and confront the enemy every May Day.

Long live the international proletariat!

Build and reconstitute the communist parties!

People’s war until communism!

—Red Guards Austin, 2018